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Subject: activism

Educating for Peace: How the Sydney Peace Foundation Builds a Culture of Peace with Justice

Melanie Morrison outlines the importance of education in the pursuit of peace, advocating for a ‘peace with justice’ model for our turbulent times…

In a world plagued with conflict, rising inequality, and eroding human rights, the work of civil society groups and movements dedicated to peace, justice and human rights has never been more important.

Since its founding in 1998, the Sydney Peace Foundation (the Foundation) has been advocating for ‘peace with justice’ recognising that to achieve true and lasting peace, society must go beyond ending war and violent conflict and must also address deep injustices and structural inequality.

The ‘peace with justice’ philosophy distinguishes the Foundation from more conventional peace organisations. Peace is not a passive condition but an active project— one that requires dismantling the systems of poverty, racism, and exclusion that generate violence and inequality in the first instance.

As Emeritus Professor Stuart Rees who co-founded both the Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies at the University of Sydney in 1988 and later the Sydney Peace Foundation, has said, considerations such as access to health care, education and housing are central to building a better world. It is these fundamental human rights and values that are essential foundations for a more peaceful and just society.

Through education, public engagement, and advocacy, the Foundation has worked with a broad coalition of individuals and organisations committed to peace and social progress to reimagine what a truly peaceful and just society might look like.

This excerpt from the Universal Declaration of Human Rights underscores the centrality of peace education in building these foundations. 

“Education shall be directed to the full development of the human personality and to the strengthening of respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms. It shall promote understanding, tolerance and friendship among all nations, racial or religious groups, and shall further the activities of the United Nations for the maintenance of peace.”  – Universal Declaration of Human Rights.

Central to the Foundation’s work has been its commitment to education as a transformative tool. The Foundation has encouraged people in Australia and abroad to think about the meaning of peace, justice, and alternatives to violence. It is about building a culture of peace with justice where these concepts should not only be taught as a theory but as an active practice.

Teaching from theory to practice

The partnership with the NSW Teachers Federation combines both these elements. How do we embed theories of peace and justice in professional teaching practice? The University of Sydney’s Dr Jake Lynch, also a former director of the Sydney Peace Foundation, has run several sessions with Federation peace delegates on the academic approach that connects the theory and practice of nonviolence, human rights, and conflict transformation.  By outlining the distinction between ‘positive peace’ and ‘negative peace’, these sessions encourage a deeper understanding of the necessary conditions for true and sustained peace.

These concepts were developed by Norwegian sociologist Johan Galtung where ‘positive peace’ goes beyond the absence of armed or weaponised conflict, which he refers to as ‘negative peace’, and incorporates the attitudes, institutions and structures that create and sustain peaceful societies.  Dr Jake Lynch elaborates on his article entitled Peace and Conflict Studies – Teaching Peace (Journal of Professional Learning 23)

This partnership builds on the NSW Teachers Federation’s long-standing commitment to peace and peace education as fundamental to the ethos of public education. At its very core, public education promotes just and equitable societies in its advocacy and support for access to high quality education for all. No matter where you come from, how much money you have or who you are, you are welcome in public schools.  It goes without saying that in the public school sector themes of social justice, human rights, reconciliation, and nonviolence are intrinsically embedded into teaching practice across a range of curriculum areas.

Over recent years, the Teachers Federation has strengthened engagement with the Sydney Peace Foundation and other organisations committed to building a safe, more equitable and more peaceful society.  During Peace Week, for example, teachers and students become active contributors to building a culture of peace primarily through the schools program at Cabramatta High School and the Sydney Peace Prize Lecture and Award Ceremony. 

The Cabramatta High Peace Day is a highlight of Peace Week.  For over 20 years, Cabramatta High, located in Sydney’s multicultural heartland, brings together thousands of students for a celebration of diversity and inclusion. Many students wear traditional cultural dress— from Ukraine to Iraq, from Afghanistan to Ghana— with colourful performances from across the globe.  Sydney Peace Prize laureates find it one of the most meaningful parts of Peace Week with the regional head of International Federation of the Red Cross, Alexander Matheou, saying in 2024, “I’ve worked in peace for 25 years and it seems I should have come to Cabramatta High to see what peace really looks like.”

The purpose of education, as defined by UNESCO, is to empower individuals, strengthen communities and fosters inclusive societies. “It is one of the most powerful tools to lift marginalised children and adults out of poverty, and it also helps to uphold other basic human rights. It is the cornerstone of peace, justice and resilience in the face of the world’s most pressing challenges. This is the basis of any democratic society, and the right to education is protected by international law.”

Inherent in these concepts is the process through which students become informed citizens with the knowledge and skills, coupled with the practical experience to participate in the civil society and our democratic processes. 

Emeritus Professor Stuart Rees stated in a Honi Soit article last year, in reference to student participation in civil society action when the Centre of Peace and Conflict Studies still existed, “Students spent time on the picket line to learn about labour, to learn about the rights of workers, to learn about the consequences of privatisation, to learn about the apparent power of trade unions.  More was learned in a couple of nights huddled around fires with workers than from just theory alone.”

The Sydney Peace Prize as Pedagogy

The Foundation is perhaps best known for the annual Sydney Peace Prize, Australia’s only international prize for peace. The Prize is not merely an award— it is a pedagogical tool, designed to shift public conversation and inspire debate.

The Sydney Peace Prize laureates represent a remarkable collection of moral and intellectual courage. Their philosophies and values embedded in their lives and their work hold invaluable pedagogical lessons.

The jury assesses nominees’ efforts to promote peace with justice and awards the Prize to individuals or organisations that have made significant contributions to global peace, through challenging systems of structural violence, inequality, gender discrimination and racism in all its forms.

Recipients have ranged from Muhammad Yunus, the Foundation’s inaugural laureate, who reimagined finance as a tool for the poorest, to feminist and environmentalist Vandana Shiva’s championing of Indigenous agricultural knowledge in India as scientifically valid and continues to be a strong proponent of non-violent community action.

Also, laureates including the late Archbishop Desmond Tutu, Patrick Dodson and the Uluru Statement from the Heart, all proposing that reconciliation is not the erasure of painful history but its honest  reckoning. When Tutu was in Australia, he urged the then Prime Minister John Howard to apologise to Aboriginal Australians for the discrimination they suffer. 

Both Patrick Dodson and the Uluru Statement from the Heart highlighted strong themes of respect, recognition and reconciliation for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islanders.  For educators, the message of these powerful Indigenous individuals and movements is that you cannot move forward without an acknowledgement of the past. Genuine peace cannot be built on silence. It must be firmly grounded firmly in the rights of Indigenous people.

And the many women who have received the Sydney Peace Prize who have refused to be silent as they challenge power structures, the patriarchy, climate justice and inequality.

Naomi Klein, Arundhati Roy, and Irene Khan all connect the dots between capitalism and climate disaster, between the patriarchy, freedom of speech and human suffering, between corporate power and the erosion of democracy. They fearlessly identify who holds power, who benefits from existing power structures, and who pays the price. 

I will make special mention here of our 2026 Sydney Peace Prize Laureate, Australian international human rights lawyer Jennifer Robinson. Her work also traverses climate and gender justice, human rights, press freedom and the rights of marginalised communities, Importantly, she is also a strong advocate for public education recognising the fundamental role it plays as a foundation for a more equal and fair society. Also, Dr Hanan Ashrawi, a Palestinian Christian lawmaker, who continues to act as a role model for courage. She has maintained her principled, evidence-based advocacy in the face of Israel’s occupation of Palestine and brutal personal attacks.

Professor Joseph Stiglitz, who received the Sydney Peace Prize in 2018 and the Nobel Prize in economics in 2001, teaches us that genuine peace cannot be built while economic inequality and economic injustice exist. The political system that creates this inequality— by serving the interests of the powerful while failing to protect the poorest nations and communities— must be challenged.

Former Human Rights Commissioners Mary Robinson and the 2025 Sydney Peace Prize Laureate Navi Pillay both teach us that human rights are not abstract legal instruments but lived realities, that international law is not a privilege extended by the powerful but a universal right in which every human life carries equal worth and equal protection under the law.

The stories of each and every Sydney Peace Prize laureate— whether it be the lawyers, the political leaders, the artists, the community workers, the academics, the weapons inspectors, the activists— remind us that even in the darkest moments, there is power working together for peace, justice and universal human rights. Stories of courage and compassion deliver powerful lessons in ‘educating for peace’, inspiring a new generation to be active participants in building a better, more just world. 

We know that change requires solidarity and collective action. Through our partnership with the NSW Teachers Federation and other organisations, communities and individuals committed to peace with justice, we can be that change.

Here I will end with a quote from Judge Navi Pillay, “we live in a world where voices for justice are louder, more connected, and more courageous than ever before. The path ahead is neither easy nor short, but it is a path we must walk together – with integrity, with compassion, and with determination.”

References

Lynch, J. (2026) Peace and Conflict Studies – Teaching Peace Journal of Professional Learning 23

Morrison, M. (n.d.) Sydney Peace Foundation Annual Report 2024 chrome-extension://efaidnbmnnnibpcajpcglclefindmkaj/https://sydneypeacefoundation.org.au/wp-content/uploads/2025/05/2024-SPF-Annual-Report-FINAL_website.pdf

Sydney Peace Foundation (n.d.) Peace Prize Recipients https://sydneypeacefoundation.org.au/peace-prize-recipients/

Sydney Peace Foundation (n.d.) 2025 Navi Pillay https://sydneypeacefoundation.org.au/peace-prize-recipients/navi-pillay/

UN General Assembly, Resolution 217A (III), Universal Declaration of Human Rights, A/RES/217(III) (December 10, 1948), https://​www​.un​.org​/en​/about-us​/universal-declaration-of-human-rights.

UNESCO (n.d.) What you need to know about education and why it matters https://www.unesco.org/en/articles/what-you-need-know-about-education-and-why-it-matters

Zhang, V. (n.d.) A Collective Voice for Peace With Justice Honi Soit https://honisoit.com/2025/10/peace-foundation-collective-voice-for-peace-with-justice/

About the author

Melanie Morrison is the executive director of the Sydney Peace Foundation. She is a human rights, peace and climate justice advocate with extensive leadership experience in partnerships, strategy, communications and program development. With a Master’s Degree from the University of Sydney, she has led communications and research programs across the corporate, non-profit, government and university sectors. She is an award-winning journalist, researcher and producer for her work in Australia and overseas. 

Educating for Peace – Melanie MorrisonDownload

Peace and Conflict Studies – Teaching Peace

Jake Lynch provides a well – researched outline of the essential knowledge that teachers would need to introduce the concepts of peace and conflict to their students…

We have the great Russian novelist, Leo Tolstoy to thank (or perhaps blame) for fixing Peace in popular imagination as one-half of an antonymic dyad with War. As for establishing war and conflict as widely used synonyms. The gift, or fault, of journalism. To use a different word at ‘second mention’ is a virtue of news writing.   

Teaching peace opens these definitions and elisions to critical thinking by identifying and questioning their component parts. In doing so, it resources groups to relate the dynamics of conflict, violence and indeed peace to layers of their own experience, both direct and mediated. So, it honours and – to an extent depending on circumstance – emulates the ideal of its soulmate, critical pedagogy, in enabling all to be both teachers and learners.

From my background as a television reporter and presenter (and sometime Sydney Correspondent for the UK Independent newspaper) I began by interrogating the typically event-driven coverage offered to news audiences. How often does a violent incident make a headline as the latest episode in “the war between X and Y”? A later paragraph will often open thus: “The conflict began when…” and go on to remind readers of an earlier violent event.

Downplayed, or often omitted altogether, are the processes that lead up to the events. This is where the definition of conflict coined by the Norwegian polymath, Johan Galtung – seen as the ‘Father of Peace Studies’ – is key. Conflict, he declared, is nothing more than “a relationship between two or more parties who have, or think they have, incompatible goals” (Galtung, 1976: 290). That relationship can be reproduced in social relations at many levels – up to and including the waging of war. But it doesn’t need to be. The use of military force is a response to conflict, but only one of a range of possible responses.

Galtung envisaged those relations in a triangle, dividing them into Attitudes, Behaviours and Contradictions: the ABC of Conflict. Impetus for change can emanate from any one of them at any time. And they can combine to produce real-world effects. Violent behaviours can harden attitudes and make it more difficult to open dialogue about goals and their potential for areas of compatibility. “We don’t talk to terrorists”, in the familiar phrase.

Indeed, investigations found that outrage occasioned by Russian attacks on civilian infrastructure was one factor in deterring the Ukrainian government from engaging seriously with the Turkish peace plan, which could have halted the war there as long ago as 2022.

Then, is conflict – as distinct from war – necessarily a bad thing? Change is inherently conflictual, since pretty much any change will suit some people more than others. Students can be invited to imagine a society where nothing ever changes. The sclerosis would freeze injustices in place. To intensify conflict can have the effect of ‘calling out’ such problems, exposing them and bolstering demands for reform and progress.

If war and conflict are – as per countless news reports – synonymous, then peace would risk being seen as the antonym of conflict, not just war. And that would make it impossible to attain, since conflict, on this definition, is an inescapable and in many ways essential fact of life.

How about violence? Again, the field generally follows Galtung’s conceptual innovation by dividing violence into component parts: the form it takes from the effect it brings about. The latter is the defining feature: violence is anything that holds people’s “somatic and mental realizations below their potential” (Galtung, 1969: 168).

It’s obvious how this results from, say, a hospital or apartment block being bombed. That is Direct Violence: so-called because of the direct subject-action-object sequence of They did This to Them. But the effect can be wrought in many other ways too: woven into systems and structures, perpetuated by rules, ideas and assumptions. These can be divided into two other forms: Structural Violence and Cultural Violence. The latter makes the other two “feel right – or at least not wrong”. So, could peace be defined as the absence of violence?

The absence or cessation of Direct Violence can be seen as “negative peace” – not to indicate anything wrong with it, indeed many groups of people in today’s world understandably yearn for it. Negative in the sense that it can be ‘got’ by refraining from doing something.

Positive peace, on the other hand, entails tackling the other forms of violence as well. Re-imagining and reforming structures and institutions; exposing prejudices, re-thinking notions and images of self and other that have hardened over time and across generations. It’s implicated in the United Nations mandate of Peacebuilding, added in the 1990s to its traditional jobs of Peacemaking (brokering agreements) and Peacekeeping (deploying neutral forces in blue helmets). Creating new, more equitable ways of doing and being together as a social safeguard against lapsing or relapsing into war.

A peaceful society is one with abundant resources and willingness to seek out instances of structural and cultural violence; promote and conduct inclusive dialogue about how to change and overcome them and commit to the widest and greatest possible fulfilment of human potential.

As such processes can (indeed must) occur at all levels, we all have a part to play. So, interrogating and broadening definitions of these crucial underlying concepts of war, peace, conflict and violence – as I have briefly done here – allows groups of learners to engage by reference to their own experience, impressions and position in society (both local and global).

Peace Journalism

One abundant source of material for class discussion, as already hinted above, is news stories about various conflicts.

What makes news the way it is? Influences on content have been arranged, in relevant research, in a “hierarchy” – with a role for journalists themselves and their ethical and operational precepts, but embedded in (and often outranked by) commercial and organisational considerations.

The classic news story has a beginning, middle and end that all take place, or become apparent, in the interval between deadlines. That’s what makes it news – as opposed to ‘olds’. Reporters must establish not only why we should hear about something, but why we should hear about it today. What’s happened since the last time we heard about it?

These pressures produce a dominant form that Galtung diagnosed as “war journalism” – not, or not only in the obvious sense of reporting about wars, but a way of representing conflicts (of all kinds) that cognitively primes us for violence. It’s what we are led or left to expect and regard as the inevitable – even desirable – corollary of the story as presented.

Hence the remedial form of Peace Journalism, which has breathed life over the past few decades in both scholarly research and various forms of practice, such as training courses for journalists in societies affected by violent conflict by way of media development aid.

Whereas War Journalism is oriented towards war-and-violence; propaganda; elites, and victory, Peace Journalism adopts the opposite orientations, towards conflict-and-peace; truth; people, and solutions. It has been defined as journalism that “prompts and equips readers and audiences to consider and value nonviolent responses to conflicts” (Lynch and McGoldrick, 2005: 5).

A typical War Journalism story will open with a traumatic event and go on to juxtapose reactions to it through quotes from elite sources, often confined to those on ‘our’ side. These may concentrate on promising further steps to ensure the ‘enemy’ is neutralised or even ‘destroyed’. Then ‘peace’ can be ‘restored’.

Peace Journalism, on the other hand, will often find sources from sub-elite levels whose own life experiences reveal the underlying processes, replete with structural and cultural violence, that lead up to such events. Their inputs may be used to inspect the claims of leaders in a fresh light and critically assess them. And it will pick up on initiatives and suggestions for positive peace by addressing these more structural and systemic problems, to prevent the recurrence of direct violence.

It can be a powerful teaching and learning technique to source such material as a group and compile an alternative version of a news story. News in its typical rhetoric does not invite discussion about itself. It is still more likely to self-certify as “the way it is” rather than prompting us to wonder how it came to be that way. To realise there is a fund of options for telling it differently can be most eye-opening. Today, of course, there are abundant alternative media operating in liminal spaces that offer such material, so it can be found with relative ease.

So these are some beginnings for any teachers wishing to offer peace as an object and subject of learning. It can be empowering for groups; but also challenging, as assumptions (that ‘we’ are the ‘goodies’, for example) are critically examined and discussed.

References

Galtung, Johan (1969) ‘Violence, peace and peace research’. Journal of Peace Research, 6 (3), pp. 167–191.

Galtung, Johan (1976) ‘Three Approaches to Peace: Peacekeeping, Peacemaking, and Peacebuilding’. Impact of Science on Society, 1/2 (1976). PRIO publication No. 25-9, pp 282-304.

Lynch, Jake and Annabel McGoldrick (2005) Peace Journalism. Stroud: Hawthorn Press.

About the author

Associate Professor Jake Lynch teaches into the Master of Social Justice degree program at the University of Sydney. He has spent the past 30 years researching, developing, teaching and training in Peace Journalism. For this work, he was recognised with the award of the 2017 Luxembourg Peace Prize, by the Schengen Peace Foundation.

Scholarly publications include several books and over 60 book chapters and refereed articles. Jake served for nine years on the Executive Committee of the Sydney Peace Foundation, and for two years as Secretary General of the International Peace Research Association.

Before taking up an academic post, Jake enjoyed a 20-year career in journalism. He was a Political Correspondent for Sky News, at Westminster, and the Sydney Correspondent for the Independent newspaper, culminating in a role as an on-air presenter (anchor) for BBC World Television News.

Jake’s novel series, the Janna Rose mysteries (published by Next Chapter) break new ground as the first detective fiction to be set in the world of EMDR, or Eye Movement Desensitisation and Reprocessing: a powerful therapeutic technique for treating unprocessed trauma. The second, Diagnosis or Death, published in 2026, follows Mind Over Murder (2025): https://www.amazon.co.uk/dp/B0F1YDRX5Q?binding=paperback&ref=dbs_dp_rwt_sb_pc_tpbk  

Peace and Conflict Studies – Jake LynchDownload

LGBTIQA+ in the Classroom Context

Julie McMullen and John Skene reflect on the changing social and political realms in the LGBTIQA+ space, the impact on schools and positive ways to be inclusive…

Historical Context

The policies and strategic direction of the NSW Teachers Federation are determined by Council, making Federation one of the most democratic unions in Australia. These policies are reflective of the cultural landscape in which they are made and as such, Federation has often been a driving force for progressive change. This is especially apparent in the work Federation has undertaken in LGBTIQA+ advocacy.

As described in Education Quarterly Issue 5 article, Progress to be proud of, by Kerri Carr: “1975 Annual Conference delegates reiterated an aim of Federation’s Constitution: to guard members against ‘any hardship, oppression or injustice in connection with their employment … If such hardship, oppression or injustice in their employment results from discrimination on racial, political, religious or social grounds in employment or training, this Federation commits itself unequivocally to the support of such members.’”

Federation’s 1978 Sexual Discrimination policy made a powerful contribution towards communicating their standpoint and goals in this policy area.

The policy: 

  • affirmed “the right of staff and students to enter and remain in educational institutions regardless of sex, sexuality or marital status. It will support any member who is victimised, disadvantaged or denied employment on these grounds”
  • declared: “Family and personal relationships, including non-marital relationships, must be respected in postings, promotions and transfers, in accordance with Federation policy” and “Teachers, the Federation and the Department of Education all have a responsibility to combat sexual discrimination in the schools”
  • called for “the reform of laws which prescribe or permit discrimination on the grounds of sex, sexuality or marital status.”

Member advocacy in Federation led early opposition to discrimination against same-sex attracted people, formalised in the 1978 Sexual Discrimination Policy. Members continued to shape this work over time, contributing to the Sexual Orientation and Gender Preferred Identity Policy in 1996, followed by the Gender, Sexuality and Identity Policy in 2011. This policy was updated in 2022 to reflect more inclusive language and practice. The union also established a Gay and Lesbian Special Interest Group (SIG) in the 1980s, which would later be renamed the LGBTIQA+ SIG The LGBTIQA+ Restricted Committee was formed in 2011 to work on LGBTIQA+ policy and to put a LGBTIQA+ lens on broader union policy. This committee, along with the Officer with carriage of LGBTIQA+ matters, is responsible for enacting the motions and decisions of the SIG.

Federation has also played a role in various movements within this space. Notable examples include the Yes to Marriage Equality campaign (2017) and education during the AIDS/HIV epidemic. The Education newspaper helped counter disinformation and fear that was being spread around AIDS/HIV. Education Quarterly has also published articles with strategies on how to be better allies in workplaces and the wider community. Along with this Federation has continued to create resources and advice leaflets, which are available to members through the membership portal.

Visibility and representation are important aspects to help remove stigma and, in turn, create inclusion. This visibility can best be seen through public events such as Sydney Gay and Lesbian Mardi Gras, as well as similar regional events. While Federation members participated in Mardi Gras as part of union floats previously, 2010 was the first time Federation engaged with the Mardi Festival — first with Fair Day and then with a float in the parade in 2015. Federation has continued to march each year, often with a political message or theme. Federation has also maintained involvement in Fair Day stalls.

Federation has hosted events that have helped lead to change. This has included a symposium in 1980 to support gay teachers and students, and the Diversity in Education Conference — held during World Pride Sydney (2023) — which hosted participants from around the world and interstate. LGBTIQA+ members and Officers also regularly run workshops at conferences as well as courses for contacts and association seminars.

Whilst a lot of Federation’s advocacy has been documented throughout the years, this is still just a fraction of our work in LGBTIQA+ spaces, much of which happens behind the scenes. Progress often ebbs and flows as the cultural landscape changes particularly when working with/against right wing and conservative political parties and groups. This work is not always obvious to a classroom context but creates the necessary foundations to empower change within our classroom spaces.

Policies. Schools. Resources.

“Creating schools and workplaces where people belong is central to a world-leading education system”

Murat Dizdar (NSW Department of Education, 2024a, p.7)

Public schools are a haven for diversity, accepting of all marginalised groups, supporting growth and development for those that come through the front office. Sadly, acceptance and safety are not always a guarantee.

Students often feel isolated and disconnected from their peers. Teachers can be silent and avoidant for their own safety, due to uncertainty. From Cronulla, Newtown, Albury, the Tweed to Broken Hill – both students and teachers should feel empowered to always be their true selves.

The Department has developed policies to promote a safe and secure environment for all staff and students. The Gender Diverse Students in Schools legal issues bulletin, reads “The Department of Education is committed to providing safe and supportive learning environments…” and “Research shows the supportive environment schools provide can have a lasting impact on both the educational and lifelong outcomes for students.” (NSW Department of Education, 2026a).

Other current policies state:

“1.4 Schools are required to support students on health and wellbeing issues in a way that does not discriminate unlawfully against any student.” (NSW Department of Education, 2025)

“2.3 All students and staff have the right to be treated fairly and with dignity, both online and offline, in an environment free from intimidation, violence, harassment, victimisation and discrimination, including that based on sex, race, religion, disability or sexual orientation” (NSW Department of Education, 2024b)

The policies are in place but are they working in practice? The NSW People Matter Employee Survey (2025) shows that more work is needed to support individuals (staff in the survey, but can extrapolate to students) to feel fully accepted and safe in schools across different settings and locations.

The NSW Department of Education (2026c) has created a toolkit: Supporting LGBTIQA+ Inclusive Communities which is designed to help principals and school leaders take positive action to respond to sentiment that may compromise safe, inclusive and respectful environments for all students and staff.

Schools can feel empowered to celebrate and acknowledge days of significance such as Wear it Purple Day, which is a Tier 1 event in the NSW Department of Education calendar. In doing so, it shows LGBTIQA+ individuals and allies that the school is a safe space for students and staff to be themselves.

Many schools are encouraging and support student led Gender and Sexuality Alliances (GSAs) or Rainbow Clubs, that create a safe space for students to connect and support one another. A collaborative resource that was made possible to support the discussions, creation and organisation of GSA groups is available through Twenty10 (2026).

Classroom inclusion

For both students and teachers, it’s important to create a space that is accepting, and safe to the diversity of our communities and schools. This can be done through allowing inclusive language within the classroom to show all students that they are seen and valued for who they are.

Have you ever stood in front of a class and said “OK, guys, eyes to the front” or something similar? While most teachers have moved away from saying phrases like “OK, boys and girls,”  there are times when we may accidentally be addressing whole classes or groups using gendered language. 

This can be an incredibly hard habit to break as teachers have been using some version of this in one way or another for as long as teaching has existed.

Pictured (NSW Teachers Federation, 2025) is a handy resource to help break some of these habits and create more safe, supportive, and fun schooling environments.

Purposeful, not tokenistic text/lesson/content selection, can increase inclusivity in your classroom. Allow for a wide variety of picture books in your book corner for students to engage with; feeling seen in the classroom allows students to feel comfortable to be their true selves and seek support when needed.

Thinking outside the classroom and partnering with external organisations such as the pictured ‘Sphengic’ resource (NSW Teachers Federation, 2023a) can link curriculum content and learning to real life. In 2023, Federation members came together to create a fun, engaging and relevant resources (NSW Teachers Federation, 2023b) to support K-2 learning. Sphengic is the story of SEA LIFE Sydney Aquarium’s same sex penguin couple, Sphen and Magic who began developing a strong bond in 2018 and became inseparable before breeding season. They were constantly seen waddling around and going for swims together in the Penguin Expedition. This resource allowed schools to engage in activities linked to an in-person or virtual excursion to SEA LIFE to bring purposeful learning for students.

The NSW Teachers Federation Library has an ever-growing catalogue of texts for students across primary and secondary to support connection and understanding. The Library is a great resource for teachers to tap into, to diversify their bookshelves and highlight a variety of voices through story to support inclusive dialogue within their classes.

Qtopia Sydney (2026) is a fantastic excursion destination and resource for schools to engage with to support student learning. It explores Sydney (and Australian) Queer history ensuring that stories aren’t lost but acknowledged, whilst platforming the voices of today.

What will it look like for you?

As public school teachers, it’s our responsibility to create positive, safe and respectful classrooms that accept and celebrate the diversity of each student.

How do you celebrate difference?  Start the conversation today.

References

NSW Department of Education (2024a). Diversity, Inclusion and Belonging Strategy 2023-2026. https://education.nsw.gov.au/about-us/strategies-and-reports/diversity-inclusion-and-belonging-strategy-2023-2026 (accessed March 2026)

NSW Department of Education (2024b). Student Behaviour https://education.nsw.gov.au/policy-library/policies/pd-2006-0316 (accessed March 2026)

NSW Department of Education (2025). Student Health and Wellbeing. https://education.nsw.gov.au/policy-library/policies/pd-2004-0034 (accessed March 2026)

NSW Department of Education (2026a). Legal Issues Bulletin 55: Gender Diverse Students in Schools. https://education.nsw.gov.au/rights-and-accountability/legal-issues-bulletins/GenderDiverseStudentsinSchools (accessed March 2026)

NSW Department of Education (2026b). Gender Affirmation procedures. https://education.nsw.gov.au/policy-library/policies/pd-2024-0485-05 (accessed March 2026)

NSW Department of Education (2026c). Supporting LGBTQIA+ communities in schools. https://education.nsw.gov.au/inside-the-department/teaching-and-learning/communication-toolkit—supporting-safe–inclusive-and-respectfu (accessed April 2026)

NSW People Matter Employee Survey (2025). https://files.dcu.nsw.gov.au/dpc/pmes-2025/Education-Portfolio/NSW-PMES-2025-Education-(including-TAFE)-results.pdf (accessed April 2026)

NSW Teachers Federation (2020). Union walks the rights road with LGBTIQ members

NSW Teachers Federation (2023). Progress to be proud of Education Quarterly Issue 5

NSW Teachers Federation (2023a). Sphengic Teaching Resource K-2. https://members.nswtf.org.au/documents/sphengic-k-2/ (accessed April 2026)

NSW Teachers Federation (2023b). Sphengic (Teaching Resource) – Foundation to year 2. https://members.nswtf.org.au/documents/sphengic-foundation-to-year-2/ (accessed April 2026)

NSW Teachers Federation (2025). Gender-neutral class greetings. https://members.nswtf.org.au/documents/other-resources/ (accessed April 2026)

NSW Teachers Federation (2026). All about our magnificent Mardi Gras floats https://members.nswtf.org.au/documents/all-about-our-magnificent-mardi-gras-floats/

NSW Teachers Federation (2026). Changemaking is challenging, but worth the effort. Education Quarterly Issue 17 https://www.nswtf.org.au/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/EQM17.pdf

Qtopia Sydney. (2026). The home of Queer history and culture. https://qtopiasydney.com.au/ (accessed April 2026)

Twenty10. (2026). School Pride Groups – GSA Connect. https://twenty10.org.au/training-consulting/school-pride-groups/ (accessed April 2026)

About the Authors

Julie McMullen was elected as the NSW Teachers Federation Communications Officer in November 2024, having previously relived in the role 2022 and in 2023. As part of her role, she works closely with all officers to create and promote Federation content across all media.

As a secondary English and Drama teacher with more than ten years’ experience, and worked across regional and metro schools, she values building a solid understanding of the working conditions and needs of teachers. She has held roles as Federation Representative and Women’s Contact at school level and Association Secretary and Treasurer positions. She is also an elected member of the LGBTIQA+ restricted committee (2023-present).

John Skene was elected as the NSW Teachers Federation Disability Officer in November 2024. As part of this role, he is responsible for supporting students, staff and schools in the disability space from Early Childhood to TAFE. He works closely with Organisers, Professional Support, Trade Union Training and others to support Federation members.

With over fifteen years of experience as a teacher in special education, John has worked in schools for specific purposes (SSPs) and support units (SUs). He is an Assistant Principal Special Education. He has held roles as Federation Representative and Workplace Committee at school level and elected as Branch Representative on Federation Executive (2023-2024).

LGTIQA+ in the Classroom Context – McMullen SkeneDownload

Now more than ever: a National Anti-Racism Framework

Mandy Wells discusses the need for a National Anti-Racism Framework and Strategy…

The rise of fascist ideologies, characterised by authoritarianism, suppression of dissent, the elevation of groups of people above others and exclusionary nationalism, poses a profound threat to our democracy. History demonstrates that such movements erode societies gradually, normalising racism and discrimination, undermining independent voices and those who speak out, and reframing inequality as a necessity for patriotism. These shifts rarely occur overnight; instead, they establish themselves slowly and then burgeon when fear is exploited and division is politically rewarded.

Selective empathy is one of the most dangerous enablers of this process. When care, compassion and protection are extended to some communities but withheld from others, the principle of equal dignity under the law is compromised. Human rights are not hierarchical, nor are they conditional on popularity, political convenience, or conservative, opinion-based media narratives. A society that only defends the rights of those it favours or selectively applies enforcement of rights to those it privileges, ultimately weakens protections for everyone.

Discrimination and partisan protections fracture social cohesion. Policies that marginalise certain groups whilst affirming others creates structural division and social stratification. Such division undermines trust in governments and institutions, and instead fosters inequality and resentment, rather than unity.

Blaming groups of people within our communities for inadequate government services and public provision further distorts social disparity and public discourse. Economic strains on education, healthcare, housing and other important infrastructure are more accurately linked to successive years of poor government policy decisions, inadequate funding priorities, and long-term planning failures. Redirecting frustration toward migrants or other marginalised groups within our communities diverts accountability away from governance and fuels hate, without resolving any of the identified systemic shortcomings.

Often coinciding with, and of equal concern, is the selective adherence to human rights obligations when politicians and vested lobby groups start to feel pressured by their perceived failures. Governments that champion the rights of people when politically advantageous, yet sideline them when it becomes politically inconvenient, weaken the rule of law. Human rights frameworks exist precisely to safeguard individuals and minorities from populist political interests. Their legitimacy depends on consistent, principled application – and the courage of conviction from those in positions of power.

Democratic rights and resilience require everyone’s vigilance. It demands equal protection under the law, accountability in governance, responsible public discourse, and an unwavering commitment to universal human rights. Unaddressed inequities, systemic barriers and the deliberate dissemination of misinformation undermine these efforts towards unity. When empathy becomes selective, when blame is used to deflect attention from fair and considered policy making, and when human rights are treated as optional, the foundations of democracy are put at risk.

Social inclusion is essential to building a fair, cohesive Australia where every person, regardless of background, culture, or identity, can thrive. Blaming groups within our society for social or economic pressures distracts from the real structural issues that require policy solutions. Instead of directing frustration toward vulnerable communities, Australians should be holding governments to account for enacting policies that uphold equal rights for all, which will in turn ensure equitable access to systemic provisions such as education, housing, healthcare and employment.

Towards an Anti-Racism Framework

To progress such outcomes requires brave choices with legislation from both federal and state governments. Unlike other democracies in the world, Australia does not have an enforceable Human Rights Act, nor does it have a Bill of Rights or Framework for Anti-Racism. By committing to the protection of rights under law, parliamentary decisions would have a necessary umbrella of accountability, which would then provide the settings for fairer and inclusive decision-making, the protection of important rights for all within our communities, and the necessary funding and access to public provision.  Parliament would be required to consider how laws impact upon human rights and our institutions would need to respect people’s rights when developing policy. Courts would also have the capacity to assess whether laws are compatible with human rights, so that they then become the standards afforded to all.

On 13 May 2022, the Australian Labor Party (ALP) announced its commitment to fund the Australian Human Rights Commission (AHRC) to complete a National Anti-Racism Framework and implement a comprehensive national anti-racism strategy if elected to government.  In quotes attributable to Mark Dreyfus, Shadow Attorney General at the time, “Any government truly committed to Australia’s continued success as a multicultural nation must also be committed to tackling racism…We must do more to protect our great multicultural nation from those who would seek to cause division and conflict”.[i]

This promised funding commitment was realised when the Albanese government came to power. Those supporting such advocacy commended both the AHRC and the Australian government’s recognition that racism causes real harm, divides our communities, and undermines what is fair and just in Australian society. On 26 November 2024, Australia’s Race Discrimination Commissioner launched what it called “the most comprehensive plan ever for eliminating racism in Australia”, adding that its “National Anti-Racism Framework provides a roadmap for governments, business and community organisations to address all forms of racism”. It contained “63 recommendations for a whole of society approach to eliminating racism, with proposed reforms across Australia’s legal, justice, health, education, media and arts sectors as well as workplaces and data collection”. It then called on the “Australian Government to establish a National Anti-Racism Taskforce to implement the Framework’s recommendations”.[ii]

To date, there has been no formal response from the Albanese Government, nor one recommendation actioned.

A strong national Anti-Racism Framework would provide the structure, accountability, and leadership needed to address systemic discrimination and promote equity across institutions. It would provide the coordinated and national action needed to eliminate racism and centre all actions on truth-telling, lived experience, cultural respect, and justice.

Being actively anti-racist means more than rejecting prejudice — it means challenging systems and narratives that unfairly disadvantage Aboriginal peoples and Torres Strait Islander peoples, migrants, and culturally diverse communities. Racism harms not only those targeted, but society as a whole, by weakening social cohesion and undermining equal opportunity.

Teachers and Public Schools

Public schools operate on the principle that all students live, learn, and play together safely and respectfully. Diversity is seen as a strength of the system, and inclusive environments are deemed to be essential for student and staff wellbeing, engagement, and achievement. They are also crucial to creating the sense of community belonging that is needed if we are ever to achieve so-called “social cohesion”, the political buzzword that is being weaponised rather than being cited as a sound reason for legislating fair, equitable public provision and the consistent valuing of all within our communities through needs-based funding and services that ensure inclusion.

Teachers play a critical role in shaping inclusive education environments where diversity is respected and racism and/or discrimination is actively addressed. Through culturally responsive teaching, honest engagement with Australia’s history, and clear anti-racism policies, educators can foster understanding, empathy, and a feeling of true belonging among students and communities.

Union solidarity and advocacy — such as that demonstrated by the Federation through its many Conference and Council decisions on valuing diversity, equity, social inclusion and peace, along with its commitments to Australian Education Union decisions — can further strengthen these efforts by advocating for equitable funding, safe workplaces, anti-discrimination protections, and professional development that equips teachers to effectively challenge and eliminate racism. When teachers stand together, they amplify their capacity to demand systemic change and to protect both students and staff from discrimination.

Our education system must now ensure that all students, staff, and families —particularly Aboriginal peoples and Torres Strait Islander peoples, multicultural and multi-faith communities — feel safe, supported, and valued.

The NSW Department of Education already has in place a robust set of policies and procedures that mandate anti-racism and promote intercultural inclusivity. These feature compliance training for all teachers, the mandatory appointment of Anti-Racism Contact Officers (ARCOs) in every school, mandatory classroom education and community reporting requirements and guidance on supporting students during times of crisis. These policies and procedures are inclusive of addressing racism, hate, harassment, discrimination, vilification, antisocial behaviour, and bullying.

It must be noted that these advancements did not come by accident, nor through good systemic governance. They have instead been achieved through union advocacy – Federation Conference and Council decisions taken since 1947 onwards; and a commitment to social justice advocacy that puts equity, inclusion and needs-based resourcing at the heart of all we pursue.

The goal of eliminating racism in all its forms is a whole-school obligation and therefore, the responsibility of every teacher and staff member in our schools. Federation advocacy revolves around achieving improvements to policy settings without privileging or marginalising particular groups.

Structural division, selective empathy, and inequitable access to support are what truly undermines social cohesion and contradicts the core values of public education. So too does low expectations. So, we need all teachers to set their standards high, connect anti-racism to behaviour expectations and to appropriately respond to hate, discrimination and racism, with consequences that show it will not be tolerated in any form, and it will be eliminated.

Hate-fuelled politics, policies that create exclusion, elevate a privileged few above others, or respond selectively to political pressure risk reinforcing structural division rather than eliminating hate. Unaddressed inequities, the denial of the true history of this country, underfunding of and unequal access to support for identified need, along with the selective application of the rule of law perpetuate systemic racism and undermine efforts to build a better nation.

Calls for unity will always be undermined when government or institutional policies are inconsistent or unevenly applied. What Australia needs is to stop punching down and instead aim high. When individuals action anti-racism, we all make a difference and move closer to achieving true inclusion, belonging and social cohesion. All forms of hate, racism, and discrimination must be addressed with equal seriousness. As teacher unionists, we must educate our students, support our colleagues and lead our communities in this space.

On the International Day for the Elimination of Discrimination, 21 March 2026, Race Discrimination Commissioner Ghiridaran Sivaraman stated that “On this day we are reminded that real and lasting change begins with listening. This starts with centring the voices, experiences and truths of First Peoples which is foundational to addressing and ending racism in Australia”.[iii]

A Shared Responsibility

Eliminating racism is a collective responsibility shared by governments, schools, unions, communities, and individuals. By embedding anti-racism principles into laws, public policy, and school curricula, and by advocating for the fair distribution of resources and services, Australia can create inclusive environments where everyone is supported to succeed. Through sustained commitment, informed advocacy, and shared accountability, we can achieve positive outcomes that strengthen educational success, wellbeing, and social cohesion across the nation.

Existing Anti-Discrimination and Racial Discrimination Acts in place nationally are worthy laws and protections – but they do not cover all, and worse, they put the onus on those targeted to effect justice or prosecute for change. We need a National Anti-Racism Framework that ties these important legislations together and puts accountability squarely where it belongs – that being the government at all levels and its institutions.

As famously quoted by Nelson Mandela “Education is the most powerful weapon which you can use to change the world”.

Together, we must collectively rise, unite for change and walk together towards achieving a better future for all.

About the author

Mandy was born on the Lands of the Dharawal and grew up on Dharawal, Bidjigal, Whadjuk and Awabakal Lands. She now lives on Dharug and Gundungurra Lands in the beautiful Blue Mountains.

Mandy taught for 35 years in diverse primary school settings in Sydney’s southwest and west, teaching students of EAL/D, refugee, asylum seeker and migrant backgrounds. She has been working as Federation’s Multicultural/City Organiser for the Fairfield Teachers Association, IEC and Secondary Colleges of Languages workplaces since the start of 2020 and is committed to working with teachers and principals in organizing for all students to have access to the highest quality public education.

Mandy is passionate about social justice, human rights and equitable access to education. She leads Federation’s Anti-Racism Restricted Committee and has helped develop Federation resources for implementation of this policy. Mandy is also the officer attached to the Anti-Racism Special Interest Group (SIG), Sport SIG and the Swimming and Water Safety SIG. She has been elected by Council to represent Federation with the affiliated organisations Refugee Council of Australia and the Ethnic Communities’ Council of NSW, and is also an active member Federation’s Officers Working Conditions and NAIDOC Committees.


[i] https://www.andrewgiles.com.au/news/media-releases/labor-commits-to-new-anti-racism-strategy/

[ii] https://humanrights.gov.au/about-us/media-centre/media-releases/landmark-national-plan-seeks-end-racism-australia#:~:text=’Racism%20causes%20incredible%20harm%20to

[iii] https://www.instagram.com/p/DWIqinEoLQY/

Now more than ever – Mandy WellsDownload

Conviction Politics ARC Project:  Unshackling Convict History 2022-2025

Professor Tony Moore (Monash University)) gives us an update on what is currently happening with the international digital history project ‘Conviction Politics’…

Conviction Politics is a digital history project funded by the Australian Research Council and industry partners as part of the Linkage scheme. The NSW Teachers Federation, through its Centre for Professional Learning, is a major Partner Organisation in this project joining with the ACTU’s Trade Union Education Foundation, the Australian Manufacturing Workers Union and the UK Trades Union Congress. 

Our project re-conceptualises convict transportation as one of the great forced global labour migrations of history, continuous with the slave trade, used to build settler capitalist colonies in Australia. It flips the narrative of a downtrodden criminal class by revealing the agency of the coerced workforce in collectively resisting this system. At the same time its focus on the transported political prisoners reveals Australian colonies vitally connected to the revolutions, ideas, movements and media innovations sweeping the Atlantic world. Harnessing the latest data mapping technologies, Conviction Politics, reveals how from the earliest days of settlement, Australia’s first work force resisted exploitation through inventive solidarity in the face of coercion, while a vanguard of transported rebels, liberal pamphleteers, industrial protesters, trade unionists, Chartists, Irish independence fighters, and radical agitators changed the political direction of the colonies. 

What follows is an update Conviction Politics’ achievements and activities since our last article for the Journal of Professional Learning .  Click this link to Tony’s Semester 1 2022 article

New Book Unfree Workers reveals extent of convict resistance

Chief Investigators Professor Hamish Maxwell-Stewart (University of New England) and Emeritus Professor Michael Quinlan (University of NSW) researched and published a new book that engages a key focus of Conviction Politics: Unfree Workers: Insubordination and Resistance in Convict Australia 1788-1860 (Palgrave Macmillan, London):

https://link.springer.com/book/10.1007/978-981-16-7558-4

It explores the role that penal transportation played in the development of capitalism in Australia as well as exploring the many ways in which the active resistance of convicts shaped both workplace relations and institutions. Drawing on two unique ‘big datasets’, the book provides both a quantitative and qualitative assessment of convict-worker resistance from the moment of their embarkation on ships bound for the Australian colonies of New South Wales and Van Diemen’s Land to their arrival and deployment into various categories of state and private employment.

The book reveals the terrain and scale of resistance by convicts. Between 1788 and 1860 there is evidence of over 11,000 collective protests (including strikes, mass absconding, go-slows and riots). Michael and Hamish conservatively estimate that in excess of 43,000 convicts participated in these actions. Using data for the entire nineteenth-century, the book places the scale of dissent by convicts in the context of later non-union and union organised industrial action by free workers.

It demonstrates that convicts dominated workplace dissent prior to 1850. This included the 1804 Castle Hill rebellion in which nearly 10 percent of the transported workforce participated. The book also reveals a marked prolonged crisis of dissent that occurred between 1822 and 1834. This was a direct response to the abolition of convict wages and the introduction of more intense work regimes in road gangs and on rural estates. The book argues that this wave of resistance eroded the cost-savings that accrued to those who sought to hire unfree labour over free, contributing to the demise of convict transportation.

Michael and Hamish show the extent to which convict actions informed subsequent struggles over working hours and other conditions of employment by free workers. Nothing in Australian history comes close to matching this activism until the titanic maritime and pastoral strikes of the early 1890s.

British Irish/Documentary shoot 2022

The ending of Covid lockdowns allowed Roar Film’s Steve Thomas and Lead Chief Investigator Tony Moore, assisted by our man in London Paul Smith, to embark on an extensive interview, location and archive shoot of the UK and Ireland in 2022.

Interviews included Trade Union Congress (TUC) General Secretary Paul Nowak, in London; Secretary South West TUC Nigel Costley (head of the Friends of Thomas Muir) in Glasgow; Dr Tim Causer from the Bentham Centre at University College London; convict author Katharine Quarmby; and leading Irish, Scottish and English historians. With help of freelance documentary crews, we captured locations across the British Isles associated with convict transportation or where democratic and labour movement activism occurred, and digitally photographed the rare collections of the People’s History Museum in Manchester.

This overseas field trip climaxed in a special presentation on Conviction Politics led by Tony Moore at the Menzies Australia Institute, Kings College London chaired by its Director Dr Agnieszka Sobocinska, and smaller presentations on the project at University College Cork and sat the Tolpuddle Martyrs Festival summer school.

Melbourne and Sydney Shoots 2021-23

The Conviction Politics team (Roar’s Steve Thomas and Aaron Wilson, Tony Moore, and Kyle Harvey) undertook extensive shoots in Melbourne and Sydney in 2023, making use of stunning locations provided by our collaborators, including Trades Hall in Melbourne, Unions NSW ‘banner’ museum in Sydney, the Hyde Park Barracks, and Cockatoo Island UNESCO convict heritage site on Sydney Harbour Sydney interviewees included Geoff Gallop, Tom Keneally, Noelene Timbery, Margaret Vosand John Dixon from the NSW Teachers Federation, Peter Lewis from Essential, John Jeremy (former CEO of Cockatoo Island dockyard), Libby Bennett (Sydney Harbour Trust), Warren Fahey from Larrikin Records, Neal Towert from Unions NSW and Prof. Nick Carter from Australian Catholic University.

Melbourne interviewees included economist Alison Pennington, Steve and Andrew Vizard, Research Fellow Dr Monika Schwarz, PhD student Daisy Bailey, and Profs. Gordon Pentland, Mark Andrejevic, Judith Brett and Andrew Reeves.

NSW Teachers Federation – Friday Forum and Other Presentations

The discoveries and media by the Conviction Politics project were unveiled on the evening of May 5, 2023 at the Federation’s Friday Forum, opened by the union’s General Secretary Maxine Sharkey, chaired by Margaret Vos with closing remarks by Kate Ambrose. This full house heard from Tony Moore, Steve Thomas, Hamish Maxwell-Stewart and Monika Schwarz, about the project’s reconceptualising of the convicts as an unfree workforce that collectively resisted exploitation and impacted both the development of Australian democracy and the early labour movement.

The audience was treated to a sample of the project’s short documentaries, its online Hub, and heard how these resources can be deployed in the classroom.

Tony’s opening speech on the project’s significance can be read here:

( See Appendix One – 2023 Friday Forum: Introductory remarks by Tony Moore)

Other Project presentations include

• The ACTU Congress Fringe Festival, June 2024

• Moreton Bay Bicentennial Symposium, Brisbane, September 2024

• The MEU National Congress, Opening, October 2024. Listen to MEU Podcast interview with Tony Moore here: https://meu.org.au/podcast-how-convicts-made-australia-fair/

• at the official opening of IndustriALL, the international congress of 1,000 trade union leaders from around the world, held at Sydney’s Darling Harbour Convention Centre from 4 to 7 November 2025. 

Canadian Research Trip 2023

The Conviction Politics team of Tony, Monika and Daisy presented papers and documentaries at the International Association for Media and History conference (20-22 June 2023), which was held at Université du Québec à Montréal, Canada.

 The team hosted a panel discussion and screened microdocumentaries in a communal conference space. The panel demonstrated the transnational history of a shared struggle to advance democracy across various parts of the British Empire, and how the ambitious linking of digitised and analogue archives through international institutional partnerships has revealed the political agency of prisoners who had long been obscured as recidivists in individual records.

Tony then embarked on a road tour with Canadian-Australian filmmaker maker, Deke Richards, researching and photographing sites of the Canadian revolutions of 1837-38. Deke has made a major documentary Land of a Thousand Sorrows Revisited about the Québécoise rebels transported as political prisoners to Sydney, in the early 1840s.

 They also met with museums in Montreal, Ottawa and Toronto and the Australian High Commission to commence discussions about Canada potentially hosting a tour of the Conviction Politics exhibition.

 In 2022 Tony had joined Deke and the Canadian Consul-General André François Giroux, and Marie-Anne Alepin, President of the Saint-Jean-Baptiste Society of Montréal, in the unveiling of a series of plaques to the Canadian prisoners at the burial sights of those who did not return to their homeland, including the Dapto grave of revolutionary Joseph Marceau, who married a local girl and became a farmer and grocer in the Illawarra.

Conviction Politics Hub – Check it out

With over 80 short documentaries, combined with long and short reads, original songs, timeline, podcasts, songs, data visualisations and rich image archive the Conviction Politics Hub is now live to the public and available for use in schools and by our Partner Organisations. Go to:

https://convictionpolitics.net

A trailer about the Conviction Politics documentaries can be viewed here:

The Hub was test driven with the help of the Centre for Professional Learning. Under the guidance of Margaret Vos, in 2024 teachers undertaking the CPL course  Teaching Conviction Politics learned from Steve Thomas and Professors Hamish Maxwell-Stewart and Tony Moore about the project’s academic discoveries. They also  discovered how  the Hub could be used in the classroom  as a resource for parts of the NSW History syllabuses. During the course, in real time, Roar Film garnered valuable feedback from teachers that helped us tweak the Hub ahead of it doing public.

Please explore the Hub and provide any feedback directly to Margaret Vos at cpl@nswtf.org.au

Conviction Politics’ Unshackled Exhibition launches in Hobart

‘Unshackled: The True Convict Story’ is Conviction Politics’ culminating research

output, that launched on the 12th of March 2024 at the Tasmanian Museum and Art Gallery (TMAG). It had over 40,000 visitors in its four month run. Unshackled is a ground-breaking, multimodal experience melding traditional museum presentation with engaging storytelling, short documentaries, data-visualisation, innovative technology, original music and soundscapes with traditional museum objects. The creative approach and visitor experience has been described as ‘surprising, immersive and moving’.  Its video trailer can be viewed here:

It features curated collections of key objects and images including selections from the magnificent Dempsey portraits of British working-class women and men, a collection of radical tokens, reproductions of radical posters and cartoons from Britain, Ireland and Australia.

 A highlight of the exhibition is a life size reproduction of the portable solitary ‘box’ used on the female convict transport ships. Interactive screen-based media, large projections and augmented reality lead the visitor through the exhibition themes: Repression, Exploitation, Resistance & Redemption. These media installations are complemented by real objects to provide a truly unique museum experience.

Unions Tasmania hosted a Workers Day at the Unshackled exhibition in June featuring presentations by union activists, and the Conviction Politics Team. Here is a video of event: https://player.vimeo.com/video/953006465?h=5b0138214c

Please see here the professional photographs of the Unshackled exhibition and launch provided by Tasmanian Museum and Art Gallery available at this URL:

https://rosie hastie photography.pic-time.com/By8398ltXJ0WN

Here’s link to the exhibition web app visitors use on their smart phones while at the exhibition that provides more information about the solid objects, accesses the short documentaries by theme that appear on screens in the exhibition, and provides images and information on characters and events, including AI generated talking portraits:

https://exhibition.unshackled.net.au/themes

The exhibition shows how one of the nineteenth century’s largest forced migrations of unfree workers  was preserved in time by a remarkable set of records and demonstrates that far from being a downtrodden, supplicant workforce, convict men and women fought back against tyranny and exploitation and changed Australia for the better.

Unshackled is designed, curated, and built by the project through its principal exhibiting Partner Organisation, Roar Film, working closely with TMAG. Thanks Steve Thomas, Matt Daniels Tony Moore, Daisy Bailey and Hamish Maxwell-Stewart. As well as the generous support to the project from NSW Teachers Federation and the ACTU, the exhibition has been made possible by generous sponsorship from the Mining and Energy Union, its Mineworkers Trust and Maurice Blackburn Lawyers, with the later becoming a new partner of Conviction Politics.

The exhibition generated extensive media

Here’s the link to podcast Late Night live interview with Philip Adams:

https://www.abc.net.au/listen/programs/latenightlive/unshackled-true-convict-stories/103583600

A review on Arts Hub’s must-see museum blockbusters of 2024:

https://www.artshub.com.au/news/features/major-new-museum-show-unshackles-convict-stories-from-myth-2709586

and a feature article on ABC Online:

https://www.abc.net.au/news/2024-03-30/forgotten-political-history-of-australia-convicts/103621728

A travelling ‘pop up’ version of Unshackled that can be assembled in a day has also been produced, and the plan is for it to be assembled at the NSW Teachers Federation building in tandem with a suitable conference event in 2026.

Unshackled will tour from 2025-2027 to Sydney, Brisbane, Melbourne, Queensland’s Bowen Basin, the Hunter, Illawarra, North Tasmanian and overseas to Dorchester, London and Cork.

A Stitch in Time

A different bespoke exhibition focused on resistance by Tasmanian female convicts called a ‘A Stitch in Time’, was ‘created by Conviction Politics research fellow Monika Schwarz and was launched at the Penitentiary Chapel in Hobart in June 2023. The exhibition features 18 ‘data embroideries’ created by Monika of 21 convict women chosen for their participation in protest and resistance, especially in the Female Factories.

This project uses data embroidery, a new form of data physicalisation, to display historical life courses of Australian female convicts. The source of the data includes the female convict records of Van Diemen’s Land kept by the British Bureaucracy, including their trial and voyage, their colonial offences and sentences, their marriages and births or their official status like receiving a Certificate of Freedom. These data titbits inspire the sketches for the data embroideries, focusing on acts of resilience or resourcefulness. The data is integrated in the form of a lifeline with the inspiring data points highlighted in colour. The embroideries try to capture moments where the women’s personality is shining through the records, showing that these women weren’t so different from us. Here are two examples.

Daisy Baily Awarded Doctorate

In early 2025 Conviction Politics’ Monash PhD student Daisy Bailey submitted her Thesis:
Emotions of Activism and Exile: A study on Chartist and Young Ireland political prisoners transported to the Australian colonies in the nineteenth century

The work was praised for its originality, discoveries and writing by the two examiners, and accordingly passed by Monash. The project congratulates Dr Baily and looks forward to the thesis being published as a book.

Unshackled: The Convict Memorial

In partnership with the National Trust of Tasmania, Professor Hamish Maxwell-Stewart, Steve Thomas and Roar Film’s creative technologist Matt Daniels installed the digital convict memorial in Hobart Penitentiary Chapel Historic Site in October last year. Sharing the brand name Unshackled, the memorial links to, and visualises, the UNESCO Heritage Listed Tasmanian convict records held by project partner Libraries Tasmania.

Powered by the Digital History Tasmania convict dataset, the digital memorial tells the stories of 75,000 convicts through a four-metre interactive obelisk that performs a role not unlike the honour wall of a war memorial. Hamish Maxwell-Stewart reports that “feedback from data visualisation, tourism and heritage experts has been overwhelmingly positive and the descendants of convicts report that the experience is respectful and deeply moving.”

New funded ARC Project: Making Crime Pay

Building on, and enhancing, the memorial this new 2023 project includes Monash academics Prof. Jon McCormack (SensiLab), Prof. Tony Moore and Research Fellow Dr Monika Schwarz who worked on Conviction Politics, as well as Dr Jenny Wise, Associate Prof. David Roberts and Prof. Martin Gibbs from the University of New England. The project aims to create digital tools to allow visitors to experience Australian convict sites and historical big data in new and novel ways. The successful grant awarded to Making Crime Pay enables further analysis and public engagement with convict records and colonial history, the longevity of Unshackled and the continued collaboration with Roar Film and National Trust Tasmania.

Appendix 1 – 2023 May 5 Friday Forum: Introductory remarks by Tony Moore

Thanks Margaret Vos, Kate Ambrose and Maxine Sharkey and the NSW Teachers Federation for inviting us.

The NSW Teachers Federation has been a generous and energetic partner in this project, and shares with our other union partners (the ACTU, TUC and the AMWU) a commitment to retrieving the contribution of the convicts to the early development of democracy and the labour movement in this country. Also Principals Conference.

What the project is

Conviction Politics is a digital history project funded by the Australian Research Council and industry partners as part of the Linkage scheme. It investigates how Britain’s Australian colonies – beginning as some of the most unfree and unequal jurisdictions on earth – became some of the first polities to give all working men the vote by the 1850s and in quick time earned a reputation as the social laboratory of the world.

The answer is to be found in newly digitised convict records, which reveal a very different story of the empire-wide struggle for political and human rights and the unlikely victory of Britain’s reformers and radicals in their place of exile. Harnessing the latest data mapping technologies, Conviction Politics, reveals how from the earliest days of settlement, Australia’s first work force resisted exploitation through inventive solidarity in the face of coercion, while a vanguard of transported rebels, liberal pamphleteers, industrial protesters, trade unionists, Chartists, Irish independence fighters, and radical agitators changed the political direction of the colonies. 

Our project re-conceptualizes convict transportation as one of the great forced global labour migrations of history, continuous with the slave trade, used to build settler capitalist colonies in Australia. It flips the narrative of a down – trodden criminal class by revealing the agency of the coerced workforce in collectively resisting this system. At the same time its focus on the transported political prisoners reveals Australian colonies vitally connected to the revolutions, ideas, movements and media innovations sweeping the Atlantic world. To put it in Star Wars terms, there’s not just an evil empire, but a rebel alliance too, and its exiled leaders and foot soldiers make quite a mark in Australia and back in Britain and Ireland. The project reveals this new take on convict Australia through an array of media that we will sample tonight.

Indigenous People:

Notwithstanding the role of convicts in the seizure and occupation of the First Nations’ land in Australia, there is also a shared experience here, between Indigenous people and the transported convicts. Unrest in Britain, Ireland, and throughout the empire was triggered by capitalist commodification, land enclosure, colonialism within the British Isles and the destruction and disenchantment of traditional ways of life. The invasion of the Australian continent brought the same dislocating forces to bear on the Indigenous people of Australia, who fought against this dispossession, with many internally exiled into the convict system, from where they continued to resist. There was violence and death, with convicts used to dispossess. Indigenous land was stolen for the land hungry of Britain and Ireland, that helped the rulers avoid a revolution back home. However, our project reveals some remarkable acts of recognition and solidarity between Indigenous people and European convicts.

Developing the project’s application, we took heart from the Sally McManus’ comments in March 2017 that sometimes it is necessary to resist unfair and unjust laws. It is a key proposition of Conviction Politics that political and social democracy was not simply ceded to the Australian colonies by a caring mother country, but had to be fought for by brave, principled and persecuted people, first in their home countries and then again as convicts.

The project looks at 2 groups. At least 3600 protestors, reformers, radicals and revolutionaries sacrificed their own liberty, and sometimes their lives, for the freedoms and rights we take for granted.  Meanwhile the 160,000 convicts who composed our first workforce undertook collective action to resist exploitation of its unfree labour through insubordination, absconding, uprisings, refusals to eat, strikes, and forming union -like combinations from at least the 1820s. Conviction Politics examines both these groups.

So often in the period we’re examining we find that it was new laws buttressing a new economic system that created the crimes. While many such as the United Irishmen took up arms in revolution against the Crown, both at home and then in Castle Hill, Sydney, others were transported simply for what they wrote, said or published. So many British workers, known to history by colourful names like Luddites, Swing Rioters, Tolpuddle Martyrs and Daughters of Rebecca, smashed the machines that were taking or automating their jobs, or demolished the tolls and turnpikes that heralded the privatization of the roads and commons they had travelled free for centuries. Still others were transported simply for coming together in a trade union.

Conviction Politics puts into practice the powerful injunction of media scholar Raymond Williams that drawing a new line with the past can inform contemporary social change. To that end, the scholars and partners in this project mobilise history to speak to our present moment. We consider the persistence from the colonial period of problems that drove our convicts to resist: precarious, insecure, and coerced work; decline in wages: our current cycle of automation: privatisation; our use surveillance and facial recognition; threats to freedoms in speech, media, and assembly; and  the ease with which we incarcerate the marginalised. Most importantly we look at the unfinished work of decolonisation in Australia, not just for Indigenous people, but of us all.

We will now watch the first of our short documentaries about the Indigenous Convicts

About the author

Dr Tony Moore is Professor of Communications and Media Studies at Monash University and former Director of its National Centre for Australian Studies. Tony is author of the critically acclaimed Fringe to Famous: Cultural Production in Australia After the Creative Industries (Bloomsbury 2024) Dancing with Empty Pockets: Australia’s Bohemians since 1868 (2012), Death or Liberty: Rebels and Radicals Transported to Australia 1788 – 1868 (2010), adapted as an ABC TV documentary (2015) and The Barry McKenzie Movies (2005). Tony is lead investigator on the ARC the ARC Linkage Projects Conviction Politics: the convict routes of Australian democracy (2019-2025): https://www.convictionpolitics.net and Comedy Country: Australian Performance Comedy as an Agent of Change (2022 – 2027)

Tony was specialist consultant on the major exhibition Bohemian Melbourne, held at State Library Victoria 2014-15 https://www.slv.vic.gov.au/search-discover/galleries/bohemian-melbourne

He is a former ABC TV documentary maker and commissioning editor at Pluto Press and Cambridge University Press and worked in youth policy and advocacy for the Education Commission of NSW, International Youth Year and Youth Affairs Council of NSW. His documentaries include Bohemian Rhapsody: Rebels of Australian Culture, TimeFrame history of ASIO, Lost in Space: Australians in their Cities and Nobody’s Children.

Get Death or Liberty book here:

https://www.murdochbooks.com/browse/book/Tony-Moore-Death-or-Liberty-9781741961409

Rent or purchase Death or Liberty documentary here:

Tony MooreDownload

Teaching Peace – Integrating Peace Studies into the Syllabuses

Teaching Peace – Integrating Peace Studies into the Syllabuses

This new CPL course offers participants an exciting new way to integrate peace studies into the syllabuses they teach. In this course you participate in theory-based learning about current academic research about peace. Participants will also develop the knowledge and skills to feel confident to undertake the teaching of peace studies as well as investigating programming approaches and strategies in order to apply what they learn to the NSW syllabuses.

Please note that there is also a TUT course for those who have been elected as Association Peace Contacts (including Peace and Environment Contacts) which, whilst containing some crossover in content, is designed to complement this CPL course.

12 August 2026 – Surry Hills

$220

Teachers interested in implementing peace studies in their classrooms. Primary, Secondary and TAFE teachers are encouraged to apply to attend this course.

Margaret Vos

Margaret Vos is the Director of the Centre for Professional Learning and the Centre for Public Education Research.

Theo Bougatsas

Theo Bougatsas is a NSW Teachers Federation organiser. A long-time advocate for peace education, Theo heads the Sam Lewis Peace Prize committee.

Associate Professor Jake Lynch

Jake Lynch is Associate Professor in the Discipline of Sociology and Criminology. He has spent the past 20 years researching, developing, teaching and training in Peace Journalism. For this work, he was recognised with the award of the 2017 Luxembourg Peace Prize, by the Schengen Peace Foundation.

Scholarly publications include several books and over 50 book chapters and refereed articles. Jake’s latest monograph, A Global Standard for Reporting Conflict presents results from his Australian Research Council Linkage Project, with partnership by the International Federation of Journalists and the aid agency, Act for Peace. It includes data from original fieldwork in Australia, the Philippines, South Africa and Mexico. Jake served for nine years on the Executive Committee of the Sydney Peace Foundation, and for two years as Secretary General of the International Peace Research Association.

Before taking up an academic post, Jake enjoyed a 20-year career in journalism. He was a Political Correspondent for Sky News, at Westminster, and the Sydney Correspondent for the Independent newspaper, culminating in a role as an on-air presenter (anchor) for BBC World Television News.

Jake’s new novel, Mind Over Murder, is the first crime fiction to be set in the world of EMDR, or Eye Movement Desensitisation and Reprocessing: a powerful therapeutic technique for treating unprocessed trauma. The book is published by Next Chapter.

Melanie Morrison

Melanie Morrison is the Director of the Sydney Peace Foundation, a foundation of the University of Sydney. She is a human rights advocate who leads the Foundation’s governance, strategic initiatives, partner and stakeholder outreach and communications programs. With a Master’s Degree from the University of Sydney, she has led communications and research programs across the corporate, non-profit, government and university sectors. She is an award-winning journalist, researcher and producer for her work in Australia and overseas.

Taking the kids to the park: On-Country learning about climate change

Judith Wilks, Mark Werner and Angela Turner demonstrate the importance of learning from Aboriginal approaches to caring for Country as they tackle climate change in the classroom…

Preface

I was surfing the other day and the conditions started to change. A rip had formed where I was sitting, and water was heading back out to sea. This is not unusual, and I instinctively moved to ensure that I remained in the best position. I could have stayed where I was (but I’d probably still be there). I am also a high school teacher. My desire to learn fuels my passion to teach. As both a teacher and surfer I rely on my instincts and situational awareness to ensure my students are engaged and focused on their learning. If what I am doing is not working, then I must make changes for the benefit of my students’ learning. The ongoing challenge for teachers lies in the confines of our scope of control. I can make incremental adjustments (within my role description as classroom teacher) that will have some benefit to student outcomes. I cannot however undertake the seismic shift that is so desperately needed to support the ongoing growth of our kids’ learning. If under some miracle I could, and let’s set aside the fact that we are in a crippling staffing shortage, then I would suggest one strategy: ‘onCountry learning’ to remind ourselves what teaching was like before schools had fences, and off campus excursions didn’t involve half a dozen layers of risk assessment paperwork. [Mark Werner]

Introduction

In 2021 a collaboration between school teachers, university teacher-researchers, and a local council established an outdoor learning setting in a park known as ‘Dawkins Park Reserve’, in Macksville, rural NSW. This group coalesced around a shared desire to promote local resilience to climate change impacts, and to strengthen the local community’s understanding and engagement with local Indigenous cultural and scientific knowledge. This park was chosen as a setting primarily for two reasons: it was within walking distance of a high school, and it was suffering real and visible biodiversity breakdown due to the effects of climate change. 

Being part of this collaboration as two university researchers (Wilks and Turner) was a rich experience in terms of the lasting relationships built with local teachers and moreover, witnessing the enjoyment and significant growth in the students’ understanding of climate change. In Turner and Wilks (2022) we recounted our experiences and research findings, concluding with a concerning paradox: as the benefits of place-based environmental learning become better known, in practical terms it is getting harder to achieve with teachers increasingly burdened by layers of paperwork, risk assessment protocols, policies and procedures. The resulting disembodiment of learning from the natural environment is especially concerning, given that the endeavour of education has its very roots in nature, where over 250 years ago Jean-Jacques Rousseau recognised nature as the child’s best teacher (Taylor, 2013).  Caught in the current risk-averse milieu, many educational systems have forgotten these roots in the face of increasing litigation, and educational trends that marginalise the connectedness between nature and children and young people. (Wilks, Turner & Shipway, 2020).

Our particular focus here is to convey the experiences of collaboration that involved the teaching of climate change. We share how a different approach to teaching and learning in this rural setting might be sustained into the future through engaged environmental and Indigenous cultural learning, and creating a smoother transition for students between primary and secondary school.

The enactment of positive change is not possible without first acknowledging the need for a new direction. In the high school learning environment, collegiality and the courage to innovate are important ingredients for success in cross-curriculum and cross-cultural teaching and learning. In 2020 a small collegiate of like-minded teachers saw an opportunity for their Year 7 students to investigate climate change through authentic, active, environmental learning experiences.  Even though well-established relationships with local Aboriginal elders and Knowledge holders already existed, it was critical to invite them into our teaching collegiate. Consequently, they became integral to the students’ outdoor learning experiences.

The authors all  live and work on Gumbaynggirr Country located on the NSW Mid-North Coast, NSW. Mark Werner is a proud First Nations man from the Torres Strait, a Dauareb and member of the Ulag Clan, a clan of the Zagareb Tribe of Mer. He is also a Geography/History high school teacher.

Background

At Macksville High we were seeking to create a different type of learning environment, albeit on a shoestring budget. In order to better engage Year 7 students, we were compelled to try something new, and it turned out to be something that became a highly influential force in our teaching — the creation of a teaching and learning Year 7 ‘Hub’ [Mark Werner].

The Hub was a learning environment established to provide students with a smoother transition from local primary ‘feeder’ schools into high school. It was designed with the goal that a foundation year of focused interdisciplinary teaching and learning would support the academic success of students, and address some of the poor student learning habits we were noticing. Students coming into Year 7 are confronted with up to fifteen different teachers. This not only impacts on their sense of connectivity and engagement with the new learning environment of high school, but also on the teaching staff’s capacity to develop an understanding of each student’s strengths, capacities and inherent learning styles.

The Hub space was an open learning space (conjoined classrooms) housing up to fifty students, three teaching staff (English, Maths, Science and Geography/History), and one student learning support officer. Each lesson could be delivered to the whole group or, alternatively, a targeted skills intervention lesson could be taught on a rotation basis.

The Year 6 – Year 7 transition is often experienced by students as a difficult period,  thus there was a significant focus on student wellbeing. For students being part of this core group provided them with the continuity and consistency lacking in the traditional Year 7 structure. The establishment and maintenance of consistent classroom expectations provided a foundation for improved learning outcomes within a safe and predictable place, more attuned to the students’ social and emotional needs. The teacher-student ratio afforded staff the space to develop stronger relationships with students, target their skills, identify curriculum overlap, and withdraw struggling students to a different space without disrupting the learning of their peers.

Improving our knowledge, understanding and agency about climate change is urgent. The rapid deterioration in Earth’s natural systems presents unprecedented challenges for teaching and learning that is capable of encompassing, and bringing meaning and immediacy to the scientific, the ecological, the social, the economic/political, the moral, the cultural and the ethical dimensions of climate change (Haraway, 2015). It is not surprising that in recent years climate change learning has been embedded into Australian school curricula. In Australia, climate change learning in schools must provide the scope across key learning areas for students to be able to acquire deep knowledge about the many dimensions of human-caused ecological change. Learning about climate change therefore has played an increasingly significant role in NSW school curricula.

A series of cross curricular, collaborative learning programs and resources was developed by teachers in the Hub prioritising learning about climate change, and, under this umbrella, teaching the themes of ‘identity’ and Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander histories, cultures and sciences. The environmental learning activities at the Park were designed to deepen students’ knowledge of climate change through authentic learning about water quality, biodiversity, ecological and technological processes in Dawkins Park Reserve.

Activities and resources were designed to promote engagement with the Australian cross curriculum priorities Sustainability and Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Histories and Cultures. Students learned about how our ecological landscape is shaped through natural and human-caused factors; the influences of this on animal behaviour patterns; how humans interact with ecosystems; and how these interactions may be achieved in a sustainable way. At Dawkins Park Reserve students were exposed to ‘real world’ hands-on activities such as collecting water ‘bugs’ as the students called them [microorganisms], identifying flora and fauna, observing bird migration patterns, testing the water, and using maps,  photos and light microscopes to analyse their water samples. 

Findings

The interconnectedness of fieldwork skills combined with a highly relevant case study at Dawkins Park Reserve engaged both students and teachers, and through this experience they developed the necessary knowledge to understand climate change at a deep level. But we were only able to examine climate change in any depth because of the Hub model. Previously there were very few interdisciplinary options and subjects were taught in silos.

Well established community relationships with local Aboriginal elders and local Knowledge holders also proved to be pivotal. Students learned about clan size and what the size of the group should be to sustain itself. They learned about sustainable lifestyles in the Indigenous context, how a typical day was broken up in the clan, and about structured lore/systems. They enjoyed the Gumbayngirr cultural narratives through stories, dance, song, and art. 

Students participated in an ‘On Country’ cultural immersion field trip. This excursion was organised to support the unit of learning called ‘Identity’. During this experience students and staff were offered an alternative learning environment. This alternative learning environment shifted behaviour and attitudes of both students and staff. The logistics of the journey focused on ensuring Aboriginal perspectives from across their valley were well represented. The day started with a Welcome to Country in Bowraville, delivered by a local knowledge and language holder, who then shared the history and narrative of his town and community. The immersive experience continued as the students travelled to Nambucca Heads and were met by traditional owners, elders and knowledge holders who shared narratives, culture and experiences. A smoking ceremony and the re-creation of a local dreaming narrative (using the students as actors and participants) enriched the students and teacher understanding of local Aboriginal culture and identity. The final leg of the journey was to Scotts Head. Once again cultural protocols were observed, and students and teachers learnt more about the Gumbaynggirr creation narratives regarding the how the sea was created and how waves were made. This was followed by the playing of Traditional Indigenous Games on the beach and reflecting on the history, purpose and relevance of these activities

Teachers’ interest, enjoyment and excitement in teaching climate change were stimulated by these events. Commensurately there was an increase in their self-efficacy and confidence as their knowledge grew and their understandings and perceptions deepened. It was clear that the growth in these attributes was connected to their own learning about climate change at the park. Teacher A recounted their journey as follows:

I think at the beginning … I kind of had that attitude of ‘nah Climate change’ … I’d glaze over.  But now I think I have a better understanding myself, and I think the enjoyment of teaching it, through the process that we followed … has improved my knowledge of climate change, as well as my enthusiasm for teaching it, and passing it onto the students, and encouraging them to do something [about it].

Teachers shared that at the Park they had been caught up in the same feelings of excitement and the fascination as the students when they were discovering new knowledge through for example, water sampling activities. And the growth in both teacher and student knowledge and enthusiasm had an entwined, spiraling effect, with each promoting the other. The teachers became co-inquirers with their students because  they were also making deeper connections between the different scales of climate change. Teacher B said “I think the connections I was able to make within my own personal life, and how little things that I can do can make a big difference on a bigger picture, certainly grew.”

While the teacher’s learning design and programming benefitted, they also stated that they now found it easier to link teaching about climate change with the Australian Curriculum’s Sustainability priority area. Furthermore, they envisioned the Park becoming a ‘centrepiece’ for future learning about the impacts of climate change at the local level, as it offered great affordance in terms of teaching, learning and benchmarking about key concepts in geography such as place; space; environment; interconnection; scale; and change. Fieldwork is geography; it is at its very heart (Laws, 1984; Bliss, 2009). From Teacher C’s perspective, the experience “gave me more time to spend investigating on a local level, and a pathway to teach it through because sometimes you think, ‘how am I going to embed this into the program?’ but here, if it’s the centrepiece of the program, it’s really simple.”

The teachers related that teaching climate change through an Indigenous lens gave students the opportunity to hear about Aboriginal perspectives of pristine environments and no trace practises. The Aboriginal guides embedded language into their stories. Although the Park is not an Aboriginal sacred site as it is human built, there are many sites in the district and the area has strong links to Gumma, where fresh water supply and the Nambucca River link to the sea. Students looked at the variety of vegetation types available, and their traditional Gumbaynggirr names and purposes. Students were shown the Lomandra grasses used for weaving baskets, and were encouraged to speculate about what type of things these baskets might have carried. Teacher D explained:

We’ve tried to open up their understanding as to what Indigenous communities are about and different aspects of their lives and we’re certainly incorporating a little bit more of that to increase the understanding because for some of them they really had limited understanding of pre-European settlement in the area.

Students came to realise that there were many places around them, in their daily lives, that have stories. Student A shared: “Just knowing about it makes you feel more connected”, and another (Student B) said, “Stories make it easier to remember things.”

Teachers not only observed the stimulation of their students’ interest, passion, enjoyment and engagement in learning about climate change, they also noticed their students were reflecting far more deeply about their responsibilities in relation to it. The following observations were made in this respect:

There were a lot of light bulb moments, a lot of students not only learning the information, but then also getting a bit of a fire in their belly, really wanting to change, really wanting to make action, and asking questions like what can they do about it to change. they’re kind of at that age where they’re starting to understand the world isn’t perfect. And we’re kind of called, aren’t we, it’s all our responsibility to all do something about it for the future. (Teacher A)

I guess for my generation we kind of feel responsible for what’s happened, and these guys kind of inherit a lot of our shortcuts and kind of short-sightedness.  Whereas you get some students who kind of straight away think, they just lay the blame, and see the dire consequences straight away. And then to get other students that kind of perk them up by saying, “How about this and for solutions? (Teacher B)

Students were excited about seeing things in ‘real life’ at the Park and teachers could see them getting ‘hooked in’ to their learning there. Teachers were not having to deal with behaviour issues because the setting catered for a wide variety of learners and all students were so engaged: “they really benefit … all of them … from experiential learning where they’re hands on. They’re measuring … they’re testing … they’re collecting, analysing and comparing … they’re really focused and on-task” (Teacher C). This reinforced for teachers how important it is for students to have place-based, authentic learning experiences and to “try and get the kids out of the classroom and give them those real-life experiences as much as we can” (Teacher D). When they returned to classroom learning the teachers noticed a real enthusiasm borne from what they had done at the Park. Students were motivated to venture hypotheses, do their own research, and give class presentations on what they had found out.

In their discussions with researchers before they went to the Park, students used terms such as ‘nervous’, ‘devastated’ ‘not confident’ to describe their thinking about climate change. Teachers observed that as a result of the activities their students demonstrated a greater confidence and a richer vocabulary when postulating connections between the local and the global in relation to climate change. They related that through being at the Park students were able to link their learning about climate change to a place with which they were familiar and in so doing enriching their knowledge and understanding. As Teacher A explained, “having something to pin it on”, and Teacher B observed “We’re having conversations with the students where they wouldn’t have made the links previously … floods in West Germany, record temperatures in Europe”; and another:“… for them to get an understanding about the relationship between fossil fuels and carbon emissions…It was kind of like just opening the door for a lot of them. They really hadn’t thought about it before, even though they’ve heard some of the phrases and things like that. But for them to get an understanding of the causes and the links, and also some of the possible solutions”.

According to Teacher D, the conversations they were having with their students and what they did at the park had opened up their thinking to beyond their ‘small world’ to “what’s happening around them and how that impacts everybody else in the world”. Moreover, Teacher B observed that the program had encouraged students to have bigger thoughts beyond themselves, to “go deeper … and tie a lot of things in with climate change.” 

Reflection

It not surprising that in recent years learning about climate change has played an increasingly significant role in NSW school curriculum. There are now frequent mentions of the term climate change, with Sustainability framing the entire curriculum as one of the three Australian curriculum priority areas. Nevertheless, such curriculum elements represent relatively new and emerging fields of study in both primary and secondary curricula, and teachers have had had to quickly ‘come on board’ with teaching them across all curriculum areas, as they are no longer just located within the traditional domains of geography and science. The students perceived the potential for cross curricula learning about climate change emanating from their experiences at the Park. They expressed a desire to see more art, mathematics, and writing, in addition to geography and science, associated with their activities there.

Through professional channels many teachers have anecdotally reported a lack of confidence in teaching climate change despite the many excellent professional development opportunities and resources that have been created for teachers. The problem has been that the majority of these are text-based and designed to be delivered in a classroom setting – either in digital or paper-based format. This has led to a focus on ‘climate science’ and environmental ‘issues’ (Loughland, Reid, and Petocz, 2010) privileging knowing facts about climate change over more experiential, sensory engagements inhibiting the creation of deep knowledge which, as Jensen and Ross argue, is so vitally important underpinning “all educational skills we value…knowledge begets knowledge”, (2022, p. 23). The experiences of teachers and students at Dawkins Park most certainly aided the development of deeper content knowledge about climate change.

Students related that they loved learning outside the classroom, that they felt more focused and “a bit more free” (Student B). Paradoxically, they felt “less distracted… if that makes sense” (Student C). They enjoyed learning through their senses – listening; seeing; touching and feeling; and smelling – and in so doing they felt more connected to the environment. They were more able to make connections between the local and the global manifestations of climate change; the interactions between plants and animals and the seasonal influences relating to climate change. Teachers observed students to be more curious, interested, engaged and both student and teacher appreciation of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander cultural, language and scientific knowledge increased. Teacher feelings about self-efficacy in teaching climate change also improved. 

As others have experienced in similar, recent programs (Burgess & Thorpe, 2024; Spillman et al., 2022), we found that well established community relationships with local Aboriginal elders were vital to the success of the program. The students thoroughly enjoyed the telling of Gumbayngirr stories by the Aboriginal knowledge holders. Through embedding an Aboriginal voice in the activities, students’ cultural awareness and engagement with holistic, spiritually-based connections to Country were enhanced. Story telling involves feelings and emotions, and helps young people to follow a series of events through a story’s structure, and to understand choices people have made in the past and the consequences of those choices (Seefeldt, Castle & Falconer, 2014, p. 232).

The Hub enabled the Year 7 student cohort to be taught as an entity, as opposed to separate classes, by a core group of teachers enabling a significant focus on student wellbeing. Students were provided with continuity and consistency during what is often experienced as a difficult transition from primary to secondary school. The synergy generated through the combined efforts of highly trained professionals created momentum and enthusiasm within the learning environment. The collaboration facilitated an even deeper mutual regard for colleagues’ professionalism, their discipline and content-specific knowledge. Sharing a teaching space between colleagues and freely exchanging ideas and feedback empowered and invigorated teaching.

Conclusion

It is imperative that our students are climate change literate. This involves understanding how our ecological landscape is shaped through both natural and human-caused factors; the ways in which water is integral to the survival of all living things; how this influences animal behaviour patterns; how humans interact with ecosystems, and how these interactions may be achieved in an environmentally sustainable way.

It was obvious to us as teachers that students were developing understandings about climate change at a deep level. As clearly beneficial as it was to take the students to this rich environmental and cultural learning setting, we were only able to examine climate change to the depth we did because of the added affordances that the Hub model offered for enriching teaching and learning. That we managed to interconnect learning about climate change with fieldwork attached to a highly relevant case study at Dawkins Park Reserve which clearly engaged the students was achieved in large part because of the Hub. Learning stations have been created at the Park for future outdoor environmental education activities, and their continued use will augment students’ understandings about climate change vulnerabilities, risks and adaptation responses.

Just as swimmers and surfers must react to the sudden formation of an ocean rip, it is imperative in teaching to change what is not working. When you change your perspective on historical, entrenched challenges in education you can deliver enhanced student engagement and success. Macksville High School in rural NSW had the courage and conviction to embrace remodelling education delivery to its newest students when it literally flung open the school gates to a world of possibilities.

Postscript

Although the ‘physical’ Hub no longer exists, relational links between the participating teachers remain strong, and the possibility still exists for cross curriculum project-based learning because of these links. Ironically, external factors associated with climate change conspired to erode teacher motivation around its continuance. These included COVID-19 and the accompanying lockdowns and extended periods of learning from home, teacher shortages and time constraints largely borne out of the COVID-19 driven workforce-wide impacts, and prolonged flooding in the region causing major disruptions to everyday life. Possible areas of future focus are teaching space redesign, classroom furniture, and redistribution of students into subject-specific skill rotation groups that coalesce around social interactions, friendship cohorts and abilities.

References

Bliss, S. (2009). Fieldwork: The heart of geography. Geography Bulletin, 41(1), 7-11. https://search.informit.org/doi/10.3316/aeipt.183894

Burgess, C., & Thorpe, K. (2024). How teachers can use the Learning from Country framework to build an Aboriginal curriculum narrative for students. Journal of Professional Learning. NSW Teachers Federation.

Jensen, B., & Ross, M. (2022, September 23). One million left behind. The Australian. https://www.theaustralian.com.au/

Laws, K. (1984). Learning geography through fieldwork. In J.Fein (Ed.), The Geography teacher’s guide to the classroom (pp. 134-145). MacMillan.

Loughland, T., Reid., & Petocz, P. (2010). Young people’s conceptions of the environment: A phenomenographic analysis, Environmental Education Research, 8(2), 187-19. https://doi.org/10.1080/13504620220128248

Seefeldt, C., Castile, S., & Falconer, R. (2014). Social Studies for the preschool/primary child. Pearson.

Spillman, D., Wilson, B., Nixon, M., & McKinnin, K. (2023). ‘New Localism’ in Australian Schools: Country as Teacher as a critical pedagogy of place. Curriculum Pedagogies. 43, 103-114

Taylor, A. (2013). Reconfiguring the natures of childhood. Routledge.

Turner, A., & Wilks, J. (2022) Whose voices? Whose knowledge? Children and young people’s learning about climate change through local spaces and indigenous knowledge systems, Children’s Geographies. https://doi.org/10.1080/14733285.2022.2139591

Wilks, J., Turner, A., & Shipway, B. (2020). The risky socioecological learner. In A. Cutter-Mackenzie-Knowles., A. Lasczik., J. Wilks., M. Logan., A. Turner, A., & W. Boyd, (Eds.), Touchstones for deterritorializing socioecologcial learning: The anthropocene, posthumanism and common worlds as creative milieux (pp. 75-99). Palgrave Macmillan.

About the Authors

Mark Werner

Mark is Daureb and part of the Ulag Clan which is a clan of the Zagareb Tribe of Mer in the Torres Strait. He is a secondary trained teacher and holds a Masters in Indigenous Languages. He lives and works on the Mid North Coast of NSW. He is passionate about Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander education, the environment and creating On Country immersive learning experiences.  

Dr Judith Wilks OAM

Is Adjunct Associate Professor at Southern Cross University, Faculty of Education, and also Adjunct Associate Professor, Nulungu Research Institute of the University of Notre Dame Australia. She is an experienced educator with a significant research, teaching and community engagement track record in regional education services delivery in both the higher education and schooling sectors. In 2023 Judith was awarded the Order of Australia Medal (OAM) for Services to Education.  Her research interests and publications stretch across a number of fields. These include the promotion of agency, resilience, and citizenship skills through participatory methodologies for children and young people in environmental education learning settings.  Judith has also been an active member of national research collaboration (Nulungu Research Institute) that has sought to promote access, participation and success in higher education for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander students. In recent years she has undertaken considerable research work in the Western Kimberley region focusing on strengthening the learning experiences of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander higher education students living in remote locations.

Dr Angela Turner

Dr Angela Turner has 22 years higher education teaching experience.  She holds a Bachelor of Education Technologies (Hons) and a PhD in Food Technology education. Angela has been recognised for integrating the domains of teaching and research through a Southern Cross University Vice Chancellor’s Teaching Citation (2018); School of Education Recognition Award (2018); Australian College of Educators Award (2017). Her research projects have received competitive grant success over the years for actively forming university-school community engagement with rural primary and secondary school communities that have advanced teaching, learning and assessment in the classroom as an ongoing educational enterprise. She is currently an Adjunct Senior Lecturer/Researcher at Southern Cross University and a curriculum advisor for the NSW Education Standards Authority (NESA) curriculum reform for Technological and Applied Studies 7-10.

Taking-the-kids-to-the-park-Wilks-et-al-1Download

Public Education and Privatisation in Australia

Maurie Mulheron offers a timely analysis of the impact privatisation has had on Australia’s public education system…

Debunking the myth of privatisation’s benefits to education

It was the economist Milton Friedman decades ago who described public education as “an island of socialism in a free market” society.[1] As a high priest of neo-liberal economic theory, the highly influential Friedman and others called for all public services to be privatized including public education, which they argued needed to be turned into a free market characterized by competition and choice. Initially regarded as the viewpoint of extremists this ideology has, certainly since the 1980s, become a political and economic orthodoxy central to policy positions of many governments across the globe, including Australia.

Schools

Australian schooling was always characterized by deep inequalities but, as neo-liberal economics became dominant from the 1980s onwards, the divide between socially advantaged and disadvantaged students widened considerably as policy settings designed to favour private schooling were enacted. Enrolments in private or non-government schools in Australia, almost all of which are owned and run by religions, have now reached approximately 40 per cent of all students.

Private schools have the right to charge uncapped fees, have total autonomy as to which students they enrol, and are exempted from anti-discrimination laws. What this has created is a form of educational apartheid where over 80 per cent  of low socio-economic status (SES) students are enrolled in public schools with only approximately 18 per cent  enrolled in private schools. Similar enrolment ratios remain constant for Indigenous students, those living in remote locations, students from a refugee background, those with a language background other than English, and students with a disability.

School funding policies introduced to embed ‘competition and choice’ have meant that private schools in Australia receive significant annual federal government funding, including huge grants for capital works. In addition, at the state government level, private schools receive recurrent and capital funding. A landmark review in 2011 created a national Schooling Resource Standard (SRS) intended to measure the amount of additional public funding schools should receive based on student need.[2] Despite this, it is estimated that private schools were over-funded by approximately $1 billion for the period 2020–23 while public schools were under-funded by $19 billion.[3] Essentially, the public system which is doing the ‘heavy lifting’ is vastly under-resourced for the challenges its teachers face on a daily basis.

Successive Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) reports have confirmed that social segregation is a defining feature of Australian schooling. The ideology of treating schooling as a market-place has resulted in Australia having the highest degree of school choice of any OECD country but with huge concentrations of disadvantaged students, low equity in provision, and social segregation.

There are now massive gaps across Australia in academic achievement between high SES and low SES students of up to several years of schooling. For example, recent national testing data reveals that 29% of low SES Year 9 students (15 years of age) were below the writing standard and 16 percent were below the numeracy standard. For Year 9 Indigenous students, the proportion not achieving the national reading standard is 11 times higher than for high SES students.[4]

Choice has not enlarged the educational opportunities of the poor. Indeed, the tendency for choice to segregate children in the lower bands of socio-economic status has created worsening conditions for the populations who most depend on the effectiveness of public schools. Growth in public and private spending in the non-government sector has operated to remove more culturally advantaged children and young people from the public systems, leaving these systems less supported culturally by a balanced mix of students from different family backgrounds.[5]

While the history of how Australia found itself in this situation is as complex as it is torturous, the experience of prioritizing private advantage over social good contrasts with other countries as shown in a 2013 comparative study of Australia and Canada,

The relationship between school SES and student outcomes is generally stronger in Australia than in Canada. An important and visible difference between the Australian and Canadian educational systems is the degree to which they are marked by school choice, privatisation, and social segregation. In Australia, these features of educational marketization have provided unequal access to resources and “good” schools and have led to levels of social exclusion and segregation higher than in comparable, highly developed countries such as Canada.[6]

Of course, while funding policies have weakened the public education system in Australia, there are other forces at play. Governments in Australia, as elsewhere, no longer regard the provision of public services as primarily their responsibility with privatisation occurring throughout the public sector including in: postal and communication services, transport, roads, shipping ports, airports, health care, welfare, prisons, security services, employment services, housing, and energy. It could be argued that schooling is the last great public enterprise. But since the 1980s national systems of education have been left unprotected from an emerging global education industry that sees compulsory schooling as an under-capitalized market with a permanent and ever-increasing customer base, children.

Governments have created the conditions for the commercialization of education services. National testing regimes, such as the Australian National Assessment Program—Literacy and Numeracy (NAPLAN) along with accompanying accountability and data infrastructures, have gifted enormous influence to education technology giants, sidelining teachers and too often wresting control of the curriculum from them. Further, as government education departments retreat from providing professional support and resources to teachers, the vacuum is filled by firms in the obvious areas of student assessment, but also in school administration, student well-being, teacher professional development, and curriculum delivery. “Commercialization is big business. Many commercial providers generate large profits for shareholders by selling goods and services to schools, districts, and systems.”[7]

However, the role of large corporations is much more opaque at the government level. Global consultancy firms, such as the “Big 4”: PricewaterhouseCoopers (PwC), Klynveld Peat Marwick Goerdeler (KPMG), Deloitte, and Ernst and Young, work inside of government departments such as the New South Wales (NSW) Department of Education with direct influence over policy development and strategic planning. In the state of NSW, tens of millions of dollars have been paid to these firms, without consultation with the teaching profession and in the absence of public scrutiny.[8] In a report commissioned by the NSW Teachers Federation the researchers found that:

The reduced capacity of the state has opened up spaces and opportunities for edu-businesses to expand their role in schools and schooling systems, largely on a for-profit basis. Private corporations have also sought an enhanced role in all stages of the policy cycle in education (from agenda setting, research for policy, policy text production, policy implementation and evaluation, provision of related professional development, and resources) in what has been referred to as the ‘privatisation of the education policy community’.[9]

Since the report was published, the direct influence of the corporate consultancies and edu-businesses has increased dramatically. It should come as no surprise that the Big 4 consultancy firms are generous donors to Australia’s two major political parties.[10]

Vocational Education and Training: A case study

The most striking example of the catastrophic impact of the application of market forces to education is in the area of Australia’s post-compulsory Vocational Education and Training (VET) sector.

Until relatively recently, the provision of vocational education and training was largely the responsibility of the public system known as Technical and Further Education (TAFE). It existed as a national system in every state and territory of Australia, administered at a state level, and with an enormous reach into local communities. Despite chronic underfunding compared to other sectors, TAFE was highly regarded, providing skills training for industries, trades, small business, and emerging professions. In addition, it provided more general and further education, particularly to those re-joining the workforce, or those mature age citizens seeking additional qualifications including entry to university. In contrast to the Australian university sector, enrolments by students from a disadvantaged background was much higher in TAFE.

The watershed moment was April 2012 when all state and territory governments met with the federal government at a Council of Australian Governments (COAG) meeting and agreed to introduce a radical restructuring of vocational education and training. Within a short period, a new funding regime based on the market model was introduced. There were two key requirements which became the architecture for the privatisation of the sector and the destruction of the public provider, TAFE. Firstly, what was called entitlement funding was introduced. This was simply a voucher system. Secondly, a student loan scheme, an income contingent loan model, was introduced. Both these mechanisms were underpinned by a requirement that state governments had to open up all funding to the private sector and that the funding had to be allocated on a competitive basis.

It soon became clear what the national agreement meant. Voucher funding detached the funding from the actual TAFE college and attached it to the individual student. The connection between funding and the TAFE college was severed. In short, the public provider’s funding was now precarious, no longer guaranteed.

VET students were to pay the full cost of a qualification, without any government subsidy, to either private for-profit providers –  which under the national agreement were allowed to charge fees up to AUD$99,000 – or to TAFE. This became the incentive for private for-profit training companies to increase tuition fees dramatically, and offer only those courses that would maximize profits. Students and their families soon found that the charging of fees was completely unregulated. Within the first two years of the scheme, 84% of income contingent loans from government to students went to private for-profit companies.

Student debt ballooned but many students also discovered that the private training organisations did not necessarily complete the course or even offer the actual training. Students in this situation were left with the debt but no qualification. Media stories began to appear of private training organisations aggressively targeting disadvantaged students with brokers waiting outside employment agencies to sign up students or setting up kiosks in suburban shopping malls offering incentives such as free iPads.

The impact of the 2012 national agreement on the teachers in TAFE was devastating. Without guaranteed funding, the employer attacked salaries and working conditions. In some states of Australia, the levels of casualisation grew to 80% of the workforce. Across Australia some TAFE colleges closed, courses were scrapped, and student numbers plummeted. In 2012, the number of permanent and temporary teaching positions in New South Wales, was 17,104. By 2022, ten years on from the national agreement this had dropped to 8,197, a net loss of 8,907 teachers from the public system in just one state.

Of course, VET teachers, through their national and state unions, and academics working in this area had warned government of the dire consequences if the market model was introduced.[11] They were ignored.


Conclusion

While education has always been an area of public policy that has been contested, where historically, tensions between church and the state have played out, where individual privilege keeps challenging the very idea of public good, and where social conservatives have consistently attempted to control the school curriculum, in recent years we have witnessed a much more aggressive, coherent, and global campaign against public education that is underpinned by the ideology of the market. It is this influence of neoliberal ideology that is having the most dramatic effect on public education around the world. It is up to teachers, professional allies, and the community to be alert to the dangers and to fight to retain control. Our children and young people deserve nothing less.

*This article was originally published as “Public education and privatization in Australia” in the December 2023 edition of Education Forum, the official magazine of the Ontario Secondary School Teachers’ Federation (OSSTF). Republished with permission. See Public education and privatization in Australia – Education Forum (education-forum.ca)

About the author

Maurie was a teacher and principal with 34 years of experience teaching in public high schools in rural, regional and metropolitan New South Wales.  From 2012-2020, he served as President of the NSW Teachers Federation, and concurrently as Deputy Federal President of the Australian Education Union from 2015-2020. During this time, Maurie was a key member of Education International’s Global Response Network which coordinated international opposition to the growing commercialisation and privatisation of education.

Endnotes


[1] Fiala, Thomas J. and Owens, Deborah (April 23, 2010) “Education Policy and Friedmanomics: Free Market Ideology and Its Impact on School Reform” Paper presented at the 68th Annual National Conference of the Midwest Political Science Association, Chicago, USA p22.

[2] https://www.education.gov.au/school-funding/resources/review-funding-schooling-final-report-december-2011

[3] Rorris, Adam (May 2022) “School Funding in Australia —Overview and a RoadMap” Centre for Public Education Research. https://www.cper.edu.au/podcasts/school-funding-in-australia-an-overview

[4] Cobbold, Trevor (December 2022) “Close the Gaps Between Rich and Poor.” https://saveourschools.com.au

[5] Teese, R. (2011), From opportunity to outcomes. The changing role of public schooling in Australia and national funding arrangements, Centre for Research on Education Systems, University of Melbourne.

[6] Perry, Laura B and McConney, Andrew (2013) “School socioeconomic status and student outcomes in reading and mathematics: A comparison of Australia and Canada” Australian Journal of Education 57(2) p138.

[7] Hogan, Anna and Thompson, Greg (December 2017) “Commercialization in Education” in Noblit, G W (Ed.) Oxford research encyclopedia of education. Oxford University Press, United Kingdom, pp. 1-19.

[8] “NSW Education pays Deloitte $9.1m to write documents for NSW Treasury” (3 March 2021) Australian Financial Review.

[9] Lingard, Bob; Sellar, Sam; Hogan, Anna; and Thompson, Greg; (2017) “Commercialisation in Public Schooling (CIPS)”. New South Wales Teachers Federation: Sydney, NSW. pp7-8.

[10] “Spend a buck, gain a thousand: Big Four political donations reach record levels” (4 February 2020). Big Four consulting firms’ political donations reach record levels (crikey.com.au)

[11] Wheelahan, Leesa “The race to the bottom in the VET market & why TAFE cannot win” (1 May 2013) Submission to House of Representatives Standing Committee on Education and Employment Inquiry into TAFE.

Public-Education-and-Privatisation-in-Australia-MulheronDownload

Women and Leadership: Examining Leadership Skills, Capacity and Context

Women and Leadership: Examining Leadership Skills, Capacity and Context

Overview

In this inspiring new CPL course participants will hear about the professional journey (highs and tribulations) of a number of current and former female leaders and colleagues in our profession.  Participants will have the opportunity to explore a lens for their own career paths (through networking, collaborations, shared experiences and questions).

Host presenter Lila Mularczyk will take you through the issues, circumstances, contexts and initiatives that have framed the path of  many female education leaders in our system.

Case studies will be delivered by the leaders as they live(d) their work life. This will include system and school contexts that influence career passage.  

Primary, Secondary and TAFE teachers and leaders are encouraged to apply to attend this course.

Participants will have the opportunity to listen, interact with leading female colleagues, network and consider further professional career options now and into the future.

Wednesday 29 April 2026, Surry Hills

All CPL courses run from 9am to 3pm.

$220

Please note, payment for courses is taken after the course takes place.

Lila Mularczyk

Lila Mularczyk’s commitment to education was recognised by being honoured with the Order of Australia Medal (OAM). Lila has been contributing to public education for 40 years. She currently is undertaking a portfolio of work including leading or participating on multiple National and State Education Boards and Reference Groups and projects (including, PEF, ACE, UTS, UNSW, NSWTF and CPL.) tertiary professional experience officer, coach and mentor, UNSW Gonski Institute, State and Vice Chair ACE, supporting HALT’s, tertiary lecturer, work in and for schools, research, contract work, critical friend, innovation projects etc.

Prior, Lila was the Director, Secondary Education, at the Department of Education. Immediately prior to this, Lila was President of the NSW Secondary Principals’ Council (SPC) from 2012 to 2016. As President and as a school Principal, Lila represented Public Education around Australia, and frequently globally, at conferences over many years. Lila was Principal at Merrylands High School for 15 years until 2016.

Saying Yes to the Voice

Lara Watson argues the case for the importance of a Yes vote in the Voice to Parliament referendum. . . 

After more than 65,000 years of continuous culture, it’s time Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people are recognised in our 122-year-old Constitution. Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people want recognition in a practical form by having a say on issues and policies that impact their lives. 

It’s not complicated or confusing, Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people are asking Australians to say ‘YES’ if they agree that we should be able to give feedback to the Federal Government when they are making laws and policies for us. 

When the Constitution was being drafted, Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples were still being murdered, along with other atrocities and the view was we would die out with so few of us left.  So, there was no thought or reason to include Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples in the document that sets out the rules for Australia. 

I know many people are anxious and don’t want to silence any Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples’ voices, but it’s curious that some people feel that Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples must have a 100% consensus to move forward and create a better Australia for all.  We are just as diverse as any other group, we need opposition in our ranks, so we can have the robust conversations that deliver best practice and outcomes for our people. 

Yes23 shared with us their polling which shows that 83% of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people support being recognised in the Constitution (in the practical form of a Voice to Parliament).  Further to this, there are numerous surveys and polls online that put this support at between 80% to 87%.  

It is important to listen to Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples, when they talk about Sovereignty and Treaty before Voice, to understand their position isn’t against Constitutional recognition, but a continued fight against broken promises, oppression, systemic racism, exclusion and entrenched poverty.  We all fight to better the lives and create opportunities for our families and our communities, we just choose a different path to get there. 

Not only have government, but laws also and policies made for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples failed for centuries, Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples have been blamed for this failure.  This has contributed to stereotyping and misconceptions of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples.   

When I went to school, I learned about Captain Cook, the First Fleet and how the British ‘civilised’ the savage Natives. I was told not to identify as Aboriginal because I could get away with being white and I was asked why I was hanging around with ‘those’ people referring to my friends who were darker than me.  I became disengaged from school; school became more of a social experience instead of a learning one.  Educational disengagement is still relevant to many Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander students. Indeed, many remote communities do not have high schools, so at 12 years old many Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children are put on a plane and sent away for school, away from everything they know, their family, community, culture, language and Country.  There is little to no support, they are scared living in such a foreign environment and of course they don’t want to go back to that. 

Our children deserve access to education in the community in which they live, they deserve to have their culture recognised and their history told to build understanding and to break down those misconceptions. They deserve opportunities that lead to employment and careers, they should be our hope for the future.  This is just one reason why a constitutionally enshrined Indigenous Voice to Parliament is so important.  

Governments have taken a generic approach to issues in our communities, and this doesn’t get to the heart of the cause of those issues.  Each of our communities have different priorities and needs, and they have their own answers on how best to fix them.  With a Voice to Parliament, we can share all this information, give our input on how to address them in a culturally safe way and really get to the core of the issue.   

We have had representative bodies before, but when there is a change of government, they are de-funded and collapse.  The vital work done fades into obscurity. We are continually having to start the work from scratch, time and time again: the same emotional and cultural labour.   

We have sent petitions, asked to be seen and heard, rallied, lobbied, campaigned, we have gone to governments, and we have gone to the monarchs, yet our issues are still the same. Governments continue to create policies that are expensive with no meaningful outcome, and which are often more harmful than productive.   

This time, in 2023, we are inviting the Australian people (through the Uluru Statement from the Heart) to walk with us, to help heal our Nation and to create a fairer, inclusive and better Australia for all.   

We are asking you to say YES to recognising Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples, as the First Peoples, and to enshrine a Voice, so we can have meaningful input on the issues affecting us (our peoples and our communities).   

Will you answer our call and vote YES? 

References  

The Yes23 website can be accessed at:  https://yes23.com.au/ 

Lara Watson is a Birri Gubba woman from Central Queensland.  

Lara worked on the Australian Council of Trade Unions’ (ACTU’s) successful campaign to deliver working rights for Community Development Program workers. 

She is currently the ACTU’s Indigenous Officer and is leading their Unions For Yes campaign. She also created the artwork for this campaign. The symbol she used in it means ‘wadja gathering’. ‘Wadja’ in Wiri language means ‘speech’ or ‘word’ (the closest word to ‘voice’); gathering because the campaign is a community one) 

Saying-Yes-to-the-VoiceDownload

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